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MAKERS  OF 
AMERICAN 
H  ISTOR  Y 

WILLIAM    PENN 

BY 

GEORGE    E.   ELLIS 

JAMES    OGLETHORPE 


BY 


WILLIAM  B.  O.  PEABODY 


THE     UNIVERSITY     SOCIETY 

INCORPORATED 

NEW  YORK  1905 


COPYRIGHT,   1904 

BY 
THE   UNIVERSITY   SOCIETY,    INC. 


LIFE    OF 

WILLIAM     PENN 

BY 

GEORGE   E.   ELLIS 


PREFACE 


THE  materials  for  a  biography  of  William  Penn, 
as  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
and  as  the  Founder  of  Pennsylvania,  are  abundant. 
For  the  most  part,  they  have  been  faithfully  used. 
Joseph  Besse,  who  made  the  first  collection  of  his 
(2  numerous  writings,  prefixed  to  them  a  sketch  of  his 
*"   life,  with  an  appendix,  made  up  of  many  of  his  prin- 
ce  cipal  religious  letters.     The  French  work,  by  Mar- 
g   sillac,  ("  Vie  de  Guillaume  Penn,3'  1792,  8vo.,  two 
3  volumes  in  one,)  is  a  compilation  judiciously  made, 
and  contains  some  Pennsylvania  documents.     The 
5?    magazines,  encyclopaedias,  and  biographical  diction- 
53    aries,  add  some  valuable  materials,  as  do  also  several 
|j   of  the  journals  and  letters  of  leading  Quakers,  con- 
temporary with  Penn.     Clarkson  had  access  to  the 
family  papers  in  possession  of  Penn's  grandson  in 
8    England,  and  his  volumes,  written  with  all  the  wis- 
%    dom  and  candor  of  the  author,  contain  but  a  very  few 
g    inaccuracies.    Ebeling's  "  History  of  Pennsylvania  " 
w    affords,  in  its  early  chapters,  translated  by  Peter  S. 
jj    Duponceau,  and  printed  in  Hazard's  "  Register  of 
<    Pennsylvania,"    in   the   main,    a   just   view   of   the 
Proprietor. 

On   this   side  of  the   water,   William   Penn  has 
found,  among  our  own  historians  and  antiquarians, 

vii 

460079 


PREFACE 

faithful  guardians  of  his  memory,  and  devoted  ap- 
provers of  his  whole  course  through  life.  Proud's 
"  History  of  Pennsylvania,"  the  least  recommenda- 
tion of  which  is  its  style,  is  careful  and  accurate. 
The  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  has  been 
most  assiduous  in  collecting  every  document  and  fact 
relating  to  William  Penn,  and  its  labors  have  been 
eminently  successful.  The  letters  and  papers  with 
which  its  seven  half  volumes,  already  published,  are 
enriched,  are  of  the  highest  value.  While  all  its 
members  have  engaged  zealously  in  this  work,  two 
of  them,  J.  Francis  Fisher  and  John  F.  Watson,  de- 
serve especial  mention,  for  their  careful  researches 
and  rich  contributions.  A  well  written  and  accurate 
sketch  of  Penn's  life,  chiefly  confined,  however,  to 
his  religious  labors,  with  large  extracts  from  his 
writings,  by  Enoch  Lewis,  is  given  in  "  The  Friends' 
Library,"  Vol.  V.  (Philadelphia,  1841.)  Other 
sources  of  information  are  referred  to  in  the  notes. 


WILLIAM    PENN 


CHAPTER  I 

Ancestry  of  William  Penn. — Admiral  Sir  William  Penn. — His 
public  Services. — The  Mother  of  William  Penn. — Family. 

WILLIAM  PENN,  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania, 
was  descended  from  a  family  distinguished  for  char- 
acter as  well  as  for  social  standing.  His  ancestors, 
five  centuries  ago,  dwelt  at  the  village  of  Penn,  in 
Buckinghamshire,  and  gave  their  name  to  several 
localities  in  the  neighborhood.  From  a  branch  of 
the  family,  residing  at  Perm's  Lodge,  near  Myntie, 
in  Gloucestershire,  descended  Giles  Penn,  a  captain 
in  the  royal  navy,  and  English  Consul  in  the  Medi- 
terranean. George,  his  eldest  son,  was  a  merchant 
in  Spain,  \vhere  he  was  cruelly  imprisoned  by  the 
Inquisition  for  three  years.* 

William,  the  second  son  of  Giles,  and  the  father  of 
the  proprietary  of  Pennsylvania,  was  born  in  1621. 
He  adopted  the  profession  of  his  father,  and  earned 
many  high  distinctions,  besides  that  of  having  for 
his  son  the  Quaker  legislator.  His  monument,  in  the 

*  See  his  petition  for  redress  to  Cromwell ;  also  the  petition  of 
his  nephew,  our  subject,  to  Queen  Anne,  1712,  1713,  given  in 
Granville  Penn's  "  Memorials  of  Admiral  Penn,"  Vol.  I. 
Appendix. 

9 


10  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Church  of  St.  Mary  Redcliffe,  at  Bristol,  records 
that  he  "  was  made  captain  at  the  year  of  twenty- 
one,  rear-admiral  of  Ireland  at  twenty-three,  vice- 
admiral  of  Ireland  at  twenty-five,  admiral  to  the 
Straits  at  twenty-nine,  vice-admiral  of  England  at 
thirty-one,  and  general  in  the  first  Dutch  war  at 
thirty-two;  whence  returning,  anno  1655,  he  was 
parliamentary  representative  for  the  town  of  Wey- 
mouth;  1660,  made  commissioner  of  the  admiralty 
and  navy,  governor  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Kingsale, 
vice-admiral  of  Munster,  and  a  member  of  that  pro- 
vincial council;  and  anno  1664,  was  chosen  great 
captain  commander,  under  his  Royal  Highness,  in 
that  signal  and  most  evidently  successful  fight 
against  the  Dutch  fleet."  He  died  in  his  fiftieth  year. 
The  thorough  manner  in  which  this  naval  officer 
performed  his  first  service  of  suppressing  the  Irish 
rebellion,  seems  to  have  won  for  him  his  successive 
promotions.  He  commanded  the  sea  forces  in  the 
expedition  designed  by  Cromwell  against  Hispaniola, 
the  ill-success  of  which  is  said  not  to  rest  with  the 
Admiral,  but  with  Colonel  Venables,  who  com- 
manded the  land  forces.  In  his  journal  *  of  this  ex- 
pedition we  find  mention  of  the  death  of  our  own 
Winslow,  of  Plymouth  colony.  During  the  Com- 
monwealth, the  services  of  Admiral  Penn  were  nu- 
merous, and  well  rewarded,  though  he  did  not  escape 
the  jealousies  incident  then,  as  now,  to  envied  places 
and  divided  responsibilities.  His  circumstances,  like 
those  of  many  moderate  men,  and  especially  those  in 
the  naval  service  who  labored  for  the  common  in- 
*  In  Granville  Penn's  "  Memorials  "  of  him. 


WILLIAM    PENN  II 

terest  of  both  parties  in  the  State,  enabled  him  to 
avoid  identifying  himself  or  his  fortunes  with  the 
doomed  republican  cause.  He  forestalled  some 
favor  at  the  Restoration,  without  being  indebted  for 
it  to  any  treacherous  meanness  to  individuals,  or  to 
the  interests  which  he  had  espoused.  Of  very  few 
public  men,  at  that  time,  could  it  be  said,  that  they 
transferred  their  titles  and  offices  from  a  republican 
to  a  royal  tenure  without  breach  of  faith  or  honor. 
Soldiers  on  land  had  been  engaged  in  civil  warfare, 
and  the  strife  in  the  pulpits  had  committed  their  oc- 
cupants, if  they  were  sincere,  to  a  rising  or  a  sinking 
party;  but  those  who  fought  upon  the  seas,  though 
holding  commissions  from  the  Parliament,  were 
rallied  by  the  cry  of  England. 

After  the  Restoration,  Admiral  Penn  commanded 
in  1665,  under  the  Duke  of  York,  in  the  terrible  sea- 
fight  with  the  Dutch,  for  which  he  won  honor  and 
^  knighthood,  and  attained  to  court  privileges  of  ac- 
quaintance and  influence.  It  was  from  the  unpaid 
debts  due  to  him  for  his  public  services,  and  from 
obligations  contracted  to  him,  that  his  distinguished 
son  afterwards  received  such  patronage,  and  ad- 
vanced the  claim,  which  was  scarcely  discharged  by 
the  bestowal  of  lands  in  the  New  World.  The  ad- 
miral was  likewise  the  author  of  several  small  tracts 
and  other  works  for  improving  the  naval  service, 
which  had  a  value  in  their  day,  and  perhaps  cost 
more  labor  and  experience  than  those  which  have 
been  written  since.  He  was  patriotic,  simple  hearted, 
pure,  and  truly  religious,  as  a  Protestant  of  the 
Church  of  England.  His  family  pride,  increased  by 


12  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

the  additions  which  he  himself  had  made  to  its  dis- 
tinctions, was  sorely  offended,  as  we  shall  see,  by 
the  religious  profession  adopted  by  his  son,  though 
the  offence  yielded  to  admiration  of  that  son's 
sincerity. 

The  relations  between  the  English  and  the  Dutch, 
at  that  time,  were  not  wholly  hostile.  Indeed,  the 
family  histories  of  that  era  disclose  a  remarkable 
number  of  intermarriages,  when  the  ships  of  the  two 
nations  were  contending  for  the  dominion  of  the 
seas.  The  Admiral  married  Margaret,  daughter  of 
John  Jasper,  a  merchant  of  Rotterdam.  She  was  a 
noble  woman,  religious,  indulgent,  yet  judicious. 
Her  son  was  largely  indebted  to  her  maternal  faith- 
fulness for  his  early  character,  and  her  kindness  and 
respect  sustained  him,  when  the  first  anger  of  the 
father,  in  finding  that  he  had  a  Quaker  for  a  son, 
turned  him  out  of  doors  before  he  had  attained  to 
manhood/ 

A  journal  kept  by  the  Admiral  begins  with  his 
sailing  from  Deptford,  Saturday,  October  I2th, 
1644,  two  days  before  the  birth  of  William.  The 
frequent  absences  from  home,  which  the  naval  ser- 
vice required  of  him,  must  have  deprived  him  of 
much  parental  oversight  of  the  early  years  of  his 
son.  When  that  son  was  engaged  in  the  warm  con- 
troversies of  his  new  profession,  he  appeared  as  the 
vindicator  of  his  father  from  unjust  aspersions  upon 
his  courage  and  integrity,  cast  upon  him  after  his 
death.  An  anonymous  reviewer  of  the  account, 
which  the  young  Quaker  published  of  his  own  trial, 
had  made  use  of  the  occasion  to  cast  these  reflections 


WILLIAM    PENN  13 

upon  the  Admiral.  The  son  was  ready  to  reply,  and 
he  devoted  a  portion  of  his  rejoinder  to  vindicate 
his  father's  honesty  and  spirit.  "  Not  that  I  would 
be  thought  to  justify  wars,"  he  says ;  "  I  know  they 
arise  from  lusts."  But  this  does  not  hinder  that  he 
should  state  matters  of  fact.* 

The  Admiral  had  a  second  son,  Richard  Penn,  who 
survived  him  about  three  years,  dying  in  April,  1673  ; 
also  one  daughter,  Margaret  Penn,  who  married  An- 
thony Lowther,  of  Mask,  Yorkshire,  and  died  in 
1681-2;  her  branch  of  the  family  became  extinct  in 
the  fourth  generation. 

* "  Truth  rescued  from  Imposture,"  &c.  Part  III.  "  A 
Vindication  of  my  deceased  Father's  Reputation  from  the 
False  and  Unworthy  Reflections  of  this  Scandalous  Libeller." 
Penn's  "  Works,"  2  vols,  fol.  Vol.  I.  p.  496. 


CHAPTER  II 

Birth  and  Education  of  William  Penn. — His  Early  Religious 
Impressions. — Enters  Christ's  Church,  Oxford. — The  Influ- 
ence of  Thomas  Loe  over  him. — Is  fined  for  Nonconformity. 
— Is  expelled  from  the  University. — The  Anger  of  his  Father. 
— Is  turned  out  of  Doors. — The  Spirit  of  William. — Is  sent 
to  travel  in  France. — Studies  at  Saumur. — Is  recalled. — 
Enters  Lincoln's  Inn. — Leaves  London  on  Account  of  the 
Plague. 

THE  proprietary  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania 
was  born  in  St.  Catharine's  Parish,  Tower  Hill,  Lon- 
don, October  i/j-th,  1644.  The  country  residence  of 
his  parents  being  then  at  Wanstead,  he  was  sent  to 
the  free  grammar  school  at  Chigwell,  Essex,  which 
had  been  recently  founded  by  Harsnett,  Archbishop 
of  York.  His  first  and  strongest  religious  impres- 
sions are  ascribed  to  his  boyhood  in  this  school. 
While  he  was  but  eleven  years  of  age,  he  was  the 
subject  of  those  deep  exercises  of  spirit,  which,  in 
the  language  of  the  time,  are  represented  almost  as 
miraculous.  Alone  in  his  chamber,  an  external 
brightness  around  him  seemed  to  answer  to  a 
mysterious  motion  within ;  and  thus  early  was  con- 
firmed to  him  the  great  fundamental  principle  of  his 
subsequent  faith,  that  there  is  an  inward  light  in 
man,  which  .attests  the  capacity  of  his  soul  for  hold- 
ing immediate  intercourse  with  God.  He  regarded 

14 


WILLIAM   PENN  1 5 

himself  as  called,  by  this  experience,  to  a  consecra- 
tion of  heart  and  life  to  the  service  of  his  Maker. 

He  was  removed  from  Chigwell  at  the  age  of 
twelve,  that  he  might  be  near  his  father's  town  resi- 
dence, and  enjoy  more  advantages  of  education  in  a 
private  school,  on  Tower  Hill,  and  in  the  help  of  a 
private  tutor  at  home.  Great  pains  seem  to  have 
been  bestowed  upon  him,  and  not  in  vain ;  for  he  was 
a  ready  scholar,  and  his  subsequent  writings  give 
proof  of  an  accurate  attainment  in  elementary  prin- 
ciples, and  of  a  wide  extent  of  mental  discipline. 
His  healthful  frame  and  bodily  strength,  in  maturer 
years,  were  evidence,  however,  that  he  was  not  shel- 
tered in  tender  seclusion,  but  engaged  in  those  usual 
sports  and  amusements  which  are  the  best  education 
of  the  body. 

William  Penn  was  entered  as  a  gentleman  com- 
moner, at  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford,  at  the  age 
of  fifteen.  Amid  many  close  friendships  which  he 
formed  here,  based  upon  moral  and  intellectual  affini- 
ties, he  numbered  among  his  companions  John  Locke, 
to  whom  he  offered  service  at  the  time  of  his  expa- 
triation in  Holland.  A  specimen  of  young  Penn's 
scholarship,  at  this  time,  is  preserved  in  a  brief  Latin 
elegy,  which  was  published  in  1660,  in  a  volume  em- 
bracing several  similar. pieces,  written  by  members 
of  Oxford  University,  on  the  lamented  decease  of 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  second  brother  of  Charles 
the  Second. 

The  early  religious  impressions  of  the  young  stu- 
dent, which  had  not  been  effaced,  were  renewed  and 
deepened,  at  this  time,  by  the  exhortations  of 


1 6  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Thomas  Loe,  The  numerous  Quaker  historians  and 
writers,  contemporaneous  with  this  period,  make  fre- 
quent mention  of  the  labors  and  imprisonments  of 
this  famous  lay  preacher,  to  whom  Penn  attributed 
his  own  conversion  to  their  principles.  Having  once 
belonged  to  the  university,  which  he  left  for  the  sake 
of  his  new  profession,  he  occasionally  visited  it,  in 
his  itinerary  ministry,  and  succeeded  in  gaining  the 
devout  attention  of  several  of  its  students,  while,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  he  was  ridiculed  and  harassed  by 
others.  Of  Penn,  as  of  many  other  founders  and 
prominent  disciples  of  great  sects,  \ve  may  advance 
the  paradoxical  sentence,  that  he  had  already  re- 
ceived, of  his  own  instinctive  tendencies,  the  views 
which  he  apparently  embraced  from  the  teaching  of 
another.  He  was  in  fact  a  Quaker,  before  he  became 
one  by  conscious  or  professed  adhesion  to  Quaker 
principles.  The  doctrines,  which  that  eminently 
Christian  society  advocated,  were  but  a  published 
index  of  the  contents  of  many  devout  hearts  and 
struggling  minds.  Penn  at  once  responded  to  the 
earnest  appeals  of  Thomas  Loe,  and,  with  a  small 
band  of  his  college  companions,  he  forsook  the  ritual 
services,  which  the  restored  monarch  had  set  up,  for 
more  congenial  worship  of  their  own,  in  their  private 
apartments.-  All  who  were  concerned  in  this  grave 
offence  were  discovered,  and,  not  denying  the  charge, 
or  foregoing  the  practice,  were  fined  for  noncon- 
formity. Though  the  fine  was  paid,  it  did  not  ab- 
solve wounded  consciences.  Penn  and  his  compan- 
ions proceeded  to  imitate  an  example,  which  older 
men  had  but  lately  set,  and  to  insult  the  forms  which 


WILLIAM    PENN  I/ 

they  could  not  respect.  The  King  had  ordered  that 
the  students  should  resume  their  claim  to  their  an- 
cient title  of  gownsmen,  and  should  never  appear 
without  their  surplices.  This  Popish  and  formal 
costume,  so  at  war,  as  the  young  converts  of  a  simple 
and  unadorned  faith  esteemed  it  to  be,  with  true 
spirituality,  excited  their  zeal,  and  they  fell  upon 
students  who  were  thus  habited  in  public,  and  tore 
from  them  their  robes.  For  this  outrage,  the  offend- 
ers were  at  once  expelled  from  the  university. 

William  Penn,  the  father,  then  a  commissioner  of 
the  Admiralty,  was  enjoying  his  court  privileges  and 
his  fashionable  acquaintances  at  London,  cherishing, 
all  the  while,  hopes  of  high  distinction  for  his  heir; 
when  that  heir  returned  home,  announcing  his  dis- 
grace, and  more  than  all,  and  worse  than  all,  speak- 
ing and  appearing  with  the  solemn  seriousness  of 
those  devout  persons,  whom  the  naval  officer  re- 
garded as  canting  hypocrites  or  moon-struck  fools. 
The  offending  son  had  but  a  cold  reception.  In  vain 
did  his  father  expostulate  and  argue  with  him  upon 
his  affectation  of  religious  scruples,  and  the  barrier 
which  they  would  oppose  to  his  worldly  success. 
Passing  from  words  to  the  weightier  discipline, 
which  he  had  practiced  on  shipboard,  he  proceeded  to 
beat  his  son,  and,  failing  to  subdue  his  spirit,  at  once 
forbade  him  the  house,  and  drove  him  from  it  in  a 
fit  of  sudden  passion.  The  intercessions  of  his  wife, 
and  the  relentings  of  his  own  bosom,  temporarily  ap- 
peased his  anger,  and  his  son  was  restored  to  his 
home. 

It  must  have  required  no  small  measure  of  moral 

A.  B.,  VOI,.  IV. — 2 


1 8  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

courage,  in  a  youth  then  in  his  eighteenth  year,  thus 
to  forego  the  attractions  of  social  life,  which  opened 
to  him,  and  resolutely  to  thwart  the  earnest  wishes  of 
an  honored  parent.  But  something  more  deep  and 
high  than  worldly  prudence  influenced  the  mind  of 
the  son.  The  religious  spirit,  which  in  his  later  years 
assumed  a  most  calm  and  rational  tone,  was  now  un- 
naturally excited.  Like  the  other  eminent  founders 
of  his  religious  connection,  he  believed  in  immediate 
and  miraculous  communications  made  to  his  own 
mind,  in  a  way  which  admitted  of  their  being  defined, 
expressed,  and  regarded  as  demonstrative  of  duty 
and  prophetic  of  the  future.  In  one  of  his  many 
letters  to  his  friend  Robert  Turner,  then  in  Dublin, 
in  1 68 1,  when  he  was  the  proprietary  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, Penn  makes  this  mysterious  reference :  "  This 
I  can  say,  that  I  had  an  opening  of  joy,  as  to  these 
parts,  in  the  year  1661,  at  Oxford."  *  With  such  a 
revelation  waiting  to  be  realized,  he  might  well  re- 
nounce the  worldly  views  which  his  father  proposed 
to  him. 

His  father  determined  on  a  measure,  which  has 
generally  been  found  to  have  proved  itself  very  ef- 
fectual, not  only  in  eradicating  gravity  and  serious- 
ness, but  in  implanting  most  opposite  tendencies.  He 
sent  his  son  to  France,  in  company  with  some  per- 
sons of  rank,  in  1662,  in  order  that  he  might  be  sub- 
jected to  the  accomplishments  and  gayety,  which 
travel  and  residence  there  would  be  most  likely  to 
recommend.  Of  his  stay  in  Paris  he  afterwards 

* "  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania," 
Vol.  I.  p.  203. 


WILLIAM    PENN  19 

records  one  single  incident,  which  vindicates  his 
claim  to  be  alike  a  gentleman  of  honor  and  a  Chris- 
tian. He  was  attacked  in  the  street,  one  evening,  by 
a  person  who  was  affronted  because  his  salutation  of 
raising  the  hat,  which  Penn  says  he  did  not  see,  was 
not  returned.  Our  young  traveller,  lacking  three 
years  of  manhood,  (whether  armed  or  not,  he  does 
not  tell  us,)  immediately  stood  to  the  combat  with 
his  antagonist,  and  disarmed  him.  So  far,  the  by- 
standers beheld  a  scene  which  Paris  afforded  daily; 
but  when  the  victor  had  the  life  of  his  antagonist  in 
his  power,  and  might,  without  harm  from  police  or 
law,  have  run  him  through,  he  was  satisfied  with 
returning  to  him  his  sword,  and  the  true  salutation 
of  Christian  forbearance. 

Of  course  such  a  one  as  Penn  took  no  pleasure  in 
the  dissipation  of  Paris;  but  the  opportunities  of 
wise  observation  would  not  be  lost  upon  him.*  He 
soon  left  the  capital,  to  reside  for  some  months  at 
Saumur,  to  enjoy  the  instruction  of  the  famous  Cal- 
vinistic  divine  and  professor,  Moses  Amyrault,  the 
friend  of  Cardinal  Richelieu,  to  whom  that  prelate 
imparted  his  bold  design  for  uniting  the  Roman  and 
Protestant  churches.  With  this  learned  theologian, 
William  Penn  renewed  the  studies,  which  had  been 
summarily  closed  at  Oxford,  becoming  a  thorough 

*  It  was  while  on  this  visit  to  France,  that  Penn  became 
acquainted  with  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  whom  he  afterwards 
found  a  serviceable  friend.  The  fact  is  expressly  stated  by 
Penn,  in  a  letter  written  to  Sunderland,  in  1683.  See  "  Me- 
moirs of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  II. 
Part  I.  p.  244.  This  statement,  of  course,  negatives  a  story  in 
the  biographies  of  Penn.  that  the  Earl,  as  Robert  Spencer,  had 
been  one  of  his  fellow-nonconformists  at  Oxford. 


2O  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

proficient  in  the  French  language,  which  greatly 
facilitated  his  extensive  missionary  labors  on  the 
Continent  some  years  afterwards,  and  reading  the 
fathers,  and  other  standard  wrorks  of  theology,  the 
good  use  of  which  appears  in  his  numerous  writings. 
He  had  reached  Turin,  on  an  intended  tour  through 
Italy,  when  he  was  recalled  to  the  care  of  the  family 
at  home,  by  a  letter  from  his  father,  announcing  his 
necessary  absence  to  take  command  of  the  fleet 
against  the  Dutch.  He  returned  to  England  in  1664. 
When  Penn  was  afterwards  on  trial  for  the  of- 
fence of  illegal  preaching,  he  was  taunted  by  his 
judge  with  having  been  guilty  of  common  youthful 
levities  and  immoralities,  and  his  strictness  of  man- 
ners was  represented  as  only  a  revulsion  from  former 
dissipation.  Reference  was  supposed  to  be  made  to 
his  life  when  abroad.  Penn  repelled  the  charge  with 
the  indignation  of  a  calm  but  most  resolute  denial, 
and  challenged  any  one  to  bear  witness  to  any  de- 
parture on  his  part  from  the  strictest  morality.  His 
accuser  probably  spoke  from  his  own  experience  of 
himself.  It  is  certain  that  Penn's  challenge,  uttered 
by  a  pure  conscience,  was  received  in  silence.  He 
had  acquired  abroad  more  liveliness  of  manners,  with 
something  of  the  polish  and  courtesy  of  his  foreign 
companions ;  and  his  father  was  barely  satisfied  with 
these  attainments,  though  attended  by  no  loss  of 
seriousness.* 

*  Pepys,  who  was  officially  connected  and  very  intimate  with 
the  Admiral  and  his  family,  enters  in  his  Diary,  under  date  of 
August  26th,  1664,  "  Mr.  Penn,  Sir  William's  son,  is  come 
back  from  France,  and  come  to  visit  my  wife ;  a  most  modish 
person,  grown,  she  says,  a  fine  gentleman."  Vol.  II.  p.  214. 


WILLIAM    PENN  2  I 

In  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  his  father,  Penn 
entered  as  a  student  at  Lincoln's  Inn,  that  he  might 
acquaint  himself  with  the  laws  of  his  country,  and 
with  more  knowledge  of  the  world.  His  residence 
here  was  cut  short,  in  about  a  year,  by  the  Great 
Plague,  which  induced  him  to  leave  London,  in  1665, 
just  as  he  became  of  age.  j  The  horrors  of  that 
calamity  must  have  added  yet  more  seriousness  to 
his  mind.  Whatever  knowledge  of  law  he  had  ac- 
quired was  destined  to  be  of  real  use  to  him,  when 
he  became  the  legislator  of  a  colony  in  the  New 
World. 

The  portrait  of  him,  painted  about  this  time,  presents  a  hand- 
some young  man  with  flowing  locks,  but  by  no  means  of  a 
fashionable  or  gay  appearance,  though  clad  in  armor. 


CHAPTER  III 

Penn's  and  Barclay's  Services  to  the  Quakers. — Rise  and 
Origin  of  the  People  called  Quakers. — State  of  the  Times. — 
Religious  Novelties. — Wandering  Preachers. — George  Fox. 
— Excesses  of  the  early  Quakers. — Their  Virtues  and  En- 
durance.— Principles  of  the  Society. 

WILLIAM  PENN  and  Robert  Barclay  are  the 
names  of  the  two  most  eminent  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends.  They  may  be  entitled  to  an 
equal  measure  of  pure  and  desirable  fame,  the  former 
as  the  practical,  the  latter  as  the  theoretical,  cham- 
pion of  their  principles.  But  if  services  are  to  be 
weighed  and  measured  by  actual  sum  and  cost,  Penn, 
both  in  the  labors  of  his  life  and  of  his  pen,  will  re- 
ceive the  higher  estimate.  Barclay's  father  approved 
and  favored  the  devotion  of  his  son  to  a  despised 
sect;  but  Penn,  as  we  have  seen,  found  his  first  foe 
in  his  best  friend.  Through  the  whole  of  his  subse- 
quent life,  his  principles  cost  him  a  large  amount  of 
suffering  of  body  and  of  mind ;  a  loss  of  friends,  and 
honors,  and  property;  a  subjection  to  insults  and  re- 
proaches. They  weighed  with  such  a  burden  of  care 
upon  his  active  career,  and  were  attended  with  such 
a  disappointment  of  his  most  cherished  wishes  at 
his  death,  that  we  pronounce  upon  him  the  highest 
but  well-deserved  encomium  in  saying,  that,  had  he 

22 


WILLIAM    PENN  23 

foreseen  the  course  and  issue  of  his  life,  he  would 
not  have  shrunk  from  it. 

Some  brief  account  of  the  origin  and  principles  of 
the  Society  of  which  he  was  so  eminent  a  member 
\vill  properly  introduce  his  own  connection  with  it  at 
an  early  period  of  his  life. 

The  word  Quaker  will  be  freely  used  in  this  narra- 
tive, and  it  need  scarcely  be  said  by  the  writer  that 
he  intends  no  offence  in  thus  continuing  the  use  of 
an  epithet,  which  was  first  applied  in  scorn.  The 
distinguished  virtues  which  have  been  associated 
with  it  have  made  it  honorable.  Indeed,  Penn,  and 
other  members  of  the  Society,  used  the  term  in  their 
public  writings,  and  felt  no  unwillingness  to  be  des- 
ignated by  it,  while  ridicule  and  contempt  were  still 
associated  with  it.  The  epithet  has  passed  through 
a  transmutation  like  to  that  which  has  altered  the 
popular  use  of  the  word  Christian  from  the  significa- 
tion which  it  once  had. 

The  Quakers,  originally  called,  by  themselves  and 
by  others,  Professors,  Children  of  the  Light,  and 
Friends,  did  more,  at  the  period  of  their  origin,  to 
revive  and  impress  anew  the  great  vital  principles  of 
Christianity,  than  any  other  sect  before  or  since  their 
time  has  done.  The  active  life  of  Penn  extended 
through  the  most  interesting  portion  of  the  history 
of  the  Society.  The  age  which  produced  the  sect  ex- 
hibited a  most  remarkable  and  intensely  agitated 
state  of  thought  and  feeling.  Even  science,  natural 
and  physical,  as  well  as  intellectual,  felt  the  impulse 
of  that  general  renewal,  which  seemed  then  to  be 
working  upon  the  spirits  of  men.  The  foundation 


24  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

of  the  Royal  Society  dates  from  the  period,  which  in 
England  was  most  fruitful  in  the  production  of  in- 
numerable religious  sects. 

The  most  appropriate  motto  for  all  the  histories  of 
the  time  might  be  given  in  the  words  of  Baxter.  "  I 
know  you  may  meet  with  men,  who  will  confidently 
affirm,  that  in  these  times  all  religion  was  trodden 
under  foot,  and  that  heresy  and  schism  were  the  only 
piety.  But  I  give  warning  to  all  ages,  that  they  take 
heed  how  they  believe  any,  while  they  are  speaking 
for  the  interest  of  their  factions  and  opinions,  against 
their  real  or  supposed  adversaries."  It  would  have 
been  well  if  Baxter  himself  had  followed  this  wise 
rule,  for  this  good  and  honored  man  was  not  wholly 
free  from  the  spirit  of  bitterness.  He  says  that  the 
sect  of  Quakers  was  the  last  resource  taken  to  by 
the  Jesuits  and  the  devil,  when  they  found  that  the 
Seekers  and  Ranters  would  no  longer  serve  their 
turn.  He  fell  into  the  common  opinion  that  the 
Quakers,  and  all  other  troublesome  folk  in  those 
times,  were  disguised  Papists,  Jesuits,  or  Francis- 
cans. The  Puritan  party  adhered  faithfully  to  their 
belief  that  Popery  was  the  very  "  mystery  of  in- 
iquity." Penn  suffered  more  under  the  suspicion  of 
being  a  Jesuit  than  for  his  confession  that  he  was  a 
Quaker.  Bunyan,  one  of  the  eminent  spirits  of  that 
period,  feared  that  the  age  would  be  characterized  by 
posterity,  "  as  one  which  talked  of  religion  most,  and 
loved  it  least."  The  strange  sects  then  abounding 
are  ludicrously  described  by  Edwards,  Vicars,  Pa- 
gitt,  and  Featley.  A  writer,  who  seems  to  have 
caught  their  living  features,  thus  contrasts  the  spirit 


WILLIAM    PENN  25 

of  the  two  parties  throughout  the  Stuart  dynasty,  by 
presenting  "  the  stern  and  unyielding  exercise  of 
power,  as  operating  upon  the  stubbornness  of  con- 
scientious dissent."  Sir  John  Reresby,  whose  Me- 
moirs give  us  so  much  of  the  gossip  of  the  courts  of 
the  second  Charles  and  James,  says,  "  I  left  England 
at  that  unhappy  time,  (1654,)  when  honesty  was 
reputed  a  crime,  religion  superstition,  loyalty  trea- 
son; when  subjects  were  governors,  servants  mas- 
ters, and  no  gentleman  was  assured  of  anything  he 
possessed." 

Intestine  troubles,  enthusiasm,  and  religious  dis- 
sensions had  prepared  the  minds  of  the  people  to  re- 
ceive any  extravagance  of  doctrine.  As  Sewel,  the 
Quaker  historian,  honestly  says,  there  were  an 
abundance  of  people  in  England,  who,  having 
searched  all  sects,  could  nowhere  find  satisfaction 
for  their  hungry  souls.  Many,  who  then  professed 
to  be  seekers  after  truth  themselves,  took  upon  them 
the  task  of  being  teachers  of  it  to  others.  A  sincere 
and  zealous  wanderer  from  village  to  village,  though 
he  may  be  untaught,  will  ever  gain  more  converts 
among  the  mass  of  men  than  a  refined  and  scholar- 
like  preacher.  From  materials  already  engendered 
were  wrought  out  those  wild  and  enthusiastic  dog- 
mas, all  pervaded  by  a  religious  spirit,  which  blazed 
so  fiercely  at  the  time  of  the  Commonwealth.  The 
Puritan  preachers,  who  had  been  excluded  from  the 
pulpits,  found  refuge  in  private  families  as  tutors,  or 
were  received  as  religious  counsellors  by  social  cir- 
cles. The  Bible,  but  recently  put  within  the  reach 
of  the  common  people,  had  been  diligently  perused, 


26  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

and  each  reader  had  undertaken  to  interpret  it  for 
himself.  The  spirit  of  humanity  and  of  liberty  was 
then  at  work;  the  bright  light,  which  was  suddenly 
poured  upon  the  mass  of  men,  blinded  the  eyes,  and 
confused  the  understandings  of  some  of  them. 

Then  were  opened  deep  questions  of  the  design  of 
government  and  of  religion,  and  men  were  made 
sensible  of  the  oppression  of  preceding  times,  which 
had  insisted  on  dead  ordinances,  and  had  denied  the 
supplies  which  the  mind  and  the  heart  craved. 
Amid  the  wild  and  fanatical  spirits  of  the  parlia- 
mentary army,  it  was  but  natural  that  the  working 
of  these  elements  should  produce  confusion;  for  the 
law  of  their  just  operation,  and  the  proper  guidance 
of  them  in  safe  channels,  could  not  come  with  the 
first  bright  perception  of  those  ultimate  truths  which 
had  been  attained.  The  army  was  composed  of  men 
who  had  long  been  discontented,  and  who  were  now 
taken  from  accustomed  occupations  of  body  and  of 
mind,  and  were  destitute  of  regular  employment.  It 
must  of  course  have  embraced  many  individuals  who 
were  ripe  for  any  extravagance.  Officers  and  pri- 
vates were  accustomed  to  pray  and  expound  the 
Scriptures  from  pulpits  and  from  the  field.  Many 
of  the  most  enthusiastic  preachers  among  the  early 
Quakers,  such  as  Hubberthorn,  Ames,  Dewsbury, 
Naylor,  and  Lilburne,  had  been  in  the  army. 

The  Quakers  were  not,  strictly  speaking,  an  origi- 

vnal  sect,  as  their  views  and  principles  were  selected, 

refined,  and  harmonized  from  a  large  and  confused 

mass  of  opinions  about  religion,  politics,  society,  and 

morals,  which  then  prevailed  over  the  northern  and 


WILLIAM    PENN  2/ 

central  portions  of  England.  The  Familists,  Antino- 
mians,  Seekers,  and  Ranters  had  successively  pre- 
sented to  public  view  the  phenomena,  which  at  first 
drew  attention  to  the  new  sect,  whose  members  trem- 
bled or  quaked  at  the  word  of  the  Lord.  George  Fox 
encountered  many  persons,  who  without  any  inter- 
course with  each  other,  had  singly  come  to  the  same 
conclusions,  and,  after  hearing  him,  "  found  them- 
selves in  unison  with  him."  Indeed,  the  noblest  testi- 
mony which  can  be  offered  in  behalf  of  any  specula- 
tive principles  and  practical  rules  of  virtue,  the  high- 
est signature  of  truth  which  such  principles  and  rules 
could  receive,  is  that  which  from  the  first  attached 
to  Quakerism;  for  many  earnest  and  serious  minds 
had  attained  its  conclusions  by  their  own  struggles, 
and  found  that  the  joy  of  mutual  fellowship  was  the 
partnership  in  precious  truth. 

The  pages  of  Edwards'  "  Gangrsena,"  and  of  Pa- 
gitt's  "  Heresiography,"  afford  plain  evidence  that 
each  novel  opinion,  each  vagary  of  conduct,  each 
extravagance  and  eccentricity,  as  well  as  each  great 
fundamental  and  living  truth,  which  entered  into  the 
received  customs  and  tenets  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  had  found  an  advocate  and  example  before 
George  Fox  gave  out  his  testimony.  We  find  that 
"  the  offence  of  the  hat,"  the  objection  to  flattering 
titles  and  ornaments  of  dress,  to  sports  and  profane 
customs,  to  "  a  hireling  ministry,"  and  to  oaths,  to 
war  and  persecution,  had  already  designated  single 
or  compound  heresies  all  over  the  kingdom,  while  the 
interruption  of  public  worship,  for  the  sake  of  speak- 
ing according  to  the  witness  of  "  the  inner  light," 


28  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

was  a  familiar  misdemeanor,  punishable  with  a  pen- 
alty at  common  law.  The  Friends  were  in  fact  ec- 
lectics. They  adopted  what  they  could  approve  of 
the  fruits  of  one  and  the  same  Spirit,  which  then 
worked  in  the  minds  of  men. 

Yet,  while  the  principles  of  the  Quakers  are  thus 
traced  to  the  conflicts  of  many  minds  gathering  their 
discoveries  of  great  truths  for  many  years,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  question  the  general  fame  which  at- 
tributes to  George  Fox  and  William  Penn  the  en- 
viable distinction  of  being  the  founders  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Friends.  They  are  two  of  the  most  attrac- 
tive and  inspiring  characters  of  all  Christian  history. 
There  is  something  in  the  narrative  of  Fox's  life 
which  kindles  the  very  soul  of  the  sympathizing 
reader.  In  no  individual,  grown  to  man's  estate,  did 
infantile  innocence,  with  all  its  simple  graces,  ever 
unite  with  such  profound  spiritual  apprehension,  and 
such  unswerving  self-consecration,  as  in  him.*  He 
was  born  twenty  years  before  Penn,  having  a  mother 
from  the  stock  of  the  martyrs,  and  a  father  who  was 
known  by  his  neighbors  as  "  Righteous  Christer,"  or 
Christopher.  Unusual  gravity,  staidness,  and  tem- 
perance, characterized  him  from  a  child.  He  was 

*  Sir  James  Mackintosh  describes  Fox's  "  Journal  "  as  "  one 
of  the  most  extraordinary  and  instructive  narratives  in  the 
world  which  no  reader  of  competent  judgment  can  peruse 
without  revering  the  virtue  of  the  writer,  pardoning  his  self- 
delusion,  and  ceasing  to  smile  at  his  peculiarities."  We  might 
ask,  however,  if  a  man  can  be  called  self-deluded,  who,  hav- 
ing paid  the  spiritual  price  of  spiritual  attainments,  finds  them 
sufficient  to  quicken,  control,  and  concentrate  his  whole  na- 
ture, to  fill_his  breast  with  a  calm  and  unfaltering  trust,  and 
to  enable  him  to  be  the  minister  of  righteousness  and  peace  to 
thousands  of  his  fellow-creatures. 


WILLIAM    PENN  29 

known  through  his  native  village  of  Drayton-in-the- 
Clay  for  his  honesty  and  simplicity;  as  it  was  com- 
monly averred,  "If  George  says  verily,  there  is  no 
altering  him."  His  relatives  designed  to  make  him 
"a  priest;"  but,  others  dissuading,  he  was  appren- 
ticed to  a  dealer  in  wool,  shoes,  and  cattle. 

At  the  age  of  nineteen,  being  scandalized  at  the 
health-drinking,  which  he  witnessed  at  a  fair,  and 
being  "  called  of  the  Lord  one  night  to  forsake  all, 
both  old  and  young,  and  to  be  to  them  as  a  stranger," 
he  left  his  home,  to  wander  alone.  After  roaming  in 
the  woods,  and  avoiding  all  intimacies,  with  some 
misgivings,  but  with  weightier  inward  conflicts,  he 
returned  again,  and  for  a  season  repeated  this  process 
of  wandering  and  resuming  his  labors,  without  find- 
ing relief.  He  had  had  but  a  scanty  education,  and 
could  write  but  rudely.  While  busied  in  his  trade, 
his  thoughts  were  intensely  engaged  on  religious 
themes.  Being  regarded  as  a  harmless  lunatic,  or  as 
a  victim  of  religious  melancholy,  he  was  generally 
treated  with  tenderness,  though  he  wearied  his 
friends  with  his  disputations.  The  parish  priest, 
Nathaniel  Stevens,  after  in  vain  endeavoring  to  give 
peace  to  the  mind  of  his  controverter,  was  at  last 
obliged  to  say  from  the  pulpit  that  George  Fox  "  was 
a  young  man  tossed  about  with  mad  and  unruly 
fancies." 

But  Fox  accuses  the  preacher  of  delivering  in  ser- 
mons the  thoughts  and  sentiments  gathered  from 
him.  In  a  most  disconsolate  state,  this  true  seeker 
after  light  wandered  hither  and  thither,  consulting 
different  divines,  as  the  hypochondriac  does  physi- 


30  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

cians.  In  his  solitary  life,  buffeted  by  the  dark 
temptations  of  Satan,  with  agonized  misgivings  and 
distress  of  mind,  he  in  vain  sought  relief  from  pro- 
fessors and  priests.  They  were  "  but  empty,  hollow 
casks."  "  None  reached  his  condition."  One  ad- 
vised him  to  take  tobacco  and  to  sing  psalms.  To- 
bacco was  a  thing  he  did  not  love,  and  psalms  he  \vas 
in  no  state  to  sing.  One  priest  thought  that  George 
might  be  in  love,  for  he  betrayed  his  sorrows  to  some 
milk  lasses,  which  much  displeased  his  patient.  An- 
other divine  recommended  the  letting  of  blood;  but 
George  was  so  dried  up  with  sorrows,  griefs,  and 
troubles,  that  he  had  no  blood  in  him.  He  was  truly 
in  a  most  desolate  state,  dark  in  mind,  without  sym- 
pathy or  counsel.  He  made  himself  a  suit  of  leather, 
which  was  fitted  for  his  pilgrim  life,  and  would  not 
need  repair,  and  gave  himself  up  to  lonely  wander- 
ings and  meditation,  spending  whole  days  in  hollow 
trees  and  lonesome  places,  studying  the  Scriptures. 
He  was  afraid  "  to  stay  long  in  any  place,  lest,  being 
a  tender  young  man,  he  should  be  hurt  by  too  fa- 
miliar a  conversation  with  men."  He  wished  he 
were  blind  and  deaf,  that  he  might  never  see  vanity 
or  hear  blasphemy. 

At  last,  with  infinite  joy,  Fox  found  what  he  was 
seeking,  "  joy  and  peace  in  believing."  As  he 
walked  in  a  field,  it  was  revealed  to  him  that  "  his 
name  was  written  in  the  Lamb's  book  of  life."  A 
happiness  which  a  palace  does  not  afford  was  his. 
The  groans  of  the  invisible  spirit,  and  all  its  exercises 
in  temptation  and  sin,  the  struggles  of  the  flesh,  the 
inward  light  of  truth,  the  sore  conflict  with  darkness, 


WILLIAM    PENN  31 

all  passed  before  him  as  a  special  manifestation  of 
Divinity  to  his  heart.  He  solved  the  mystery  of 
superiority  to  the  outward  and  fleshly  law.  The  first 
revelation  made  to  him  was  that  all  who  were  born  of 
God  were  believers,  whether  Protestants  or  Papists, 
and  that  being  bred  at  Oxford  or  Cambridge  was  not 
enough  to  fit  and  qualify  men  to  be  ministers  of 
Christ.  Next  it  was  opened  to  him  that  God  did  not 
dwell  in  temples,  but  in  believers'  hearts.  Fox  spent 
about  three  years  in  methodizing  his  thoughts  and 
inspirations,  before  he  undertook  the  office  of  a  pub- 
lic teacher.  His  ministrations  were  so  effectual,  both 
for  maladies  of  mind  and  of  body,  that  the  report 
was  soon  current,  "  that  George  Fox  had  a  discern- 
ing spirit." 

The  first  converts  of  Fox  were  almost  exclusively 
from  among  those  who  had  been  under  the  influence 
of  some  of  the  many  forms  of  dissent  from  the  estab- 
lished faith  and  worship;  and  amid  the  excitable  and 
anxious  spirits  of  those  times  he  found  a  multitude 
to  whom  his  words  were  either  as  drops  of  balm  or 
as  sparks  of  fire.  He  endeavored  to  be  present  at  all 
public  gatherings  for  religion,  trade,  or  sport.  He 
angered  the  priests,  but  won  a  multitude  of  the  peo- 
ple. If  the  Spirit  gave  him  utterance,  he  prayed ;  but 
if  prayer  was  asked  of  him,  he  said  that  he  could  not 
offer  it  at  the  will  of  others.*  He  did  not  scruple  to 

*  Penn  who  wrote  a  preface  to  Fox's  "  Journal,"  says :  "  But 
above  all,  he  excelled  in  prayer.  The  inwardness  and  weight 
of  his  spirit,  the  reverence  and  solemnity  of  his  address  and 
behavior,  and  the  fewness  and  fulness  of  his  words,  have  often 
struck  even  strangers  with  admiration,  as  they  used  to  reach 
others  with  consolation.  The  most  awful,  living,  reverent 
frame  I  ever  felt  or  beheld,  I  must  say,  was  his  in  prayer." 


32  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

interrupt  a  preacher,  for  he  felt  that  he  had  a  word 
of  life  to  utter.  He  made  his  appearance  at  courts, 
as  well  as  at  "  steeple  houses ;  "  he  rebuked  fiddlers, 
drunkards,  swearers,  and  rhyme-makers ;  and,  at  the 
close  of  the  year  1648,  he  had  advanced  so  far  into 
the  truth  that  "  the  whole  creation  had  another 
smell  "  to  him.  He  had  a  secret  insight  into  the  na- 
ture and  virtues  of  things,  and  thought  of  practicing 
physic.  Full  revelations  of  the  inward  light  were 
made  to  his  mind.  It  is  plain  that  he  studied  the 
Bible  with  his  whole  heart  and  understanding,  to  the 
neglect  of  all  other  books;  and  he  is  a  remarkable 
witness  of  the  true  and  vital  faith,  so  high  above  the 
dead  barrenness  of  creeds  and  formularies,  which 
the  application  of  a  severe  study  to  the  sacred  text 
will  induce. 

There  is  a  little  mysticism,  some  extravagance, 
and  a  degree  of  nonsense  and  rhapsody,  in  some  of 
his  fervent  expressions;  but  deep  and  ardent  faith, 
with  a  searching  insight  into  human  nature,  pre- 
dominates. He  says  that  the  Lord  forbade  him  to 
put  off  his  hat  either  to  the  high  or  the  low ;  to  bid 
people  good  morrow,  or  good  evening;  to  bow  or 
scrape  with  his  leg  to  any  one ;  and  enjoined  him  to 
use  only  thee,  thou,  and  thine.  "  Hat  honor  was  in- 
vented by  men  in  the  Fall."  The  single  pronoun 
was  in  conformity  with  grammar  and  Scripture; 
and,  though  priests  and  professors  raged  at  his  sim- 
plicity, "  many  did  come  to  see  the  vanity  of  putting 
off  the  hat."  Much  buffeting  and  thumping  ensued, 
and  many  hats  were  lost.  Many  matters  presented 
themselves  to  his  sense  of  duty,  as  requiring  reforma- 


WILLIAM    PENN  33 

tion;  such  as  courts  of  justice,  drinking  houses, 
wakes,  fairs,  feasts,  games,  May  sports,  mounte- 
banks, and  all  sorts  of  music.  He  was  particularly 
exercised  with  schoolmasters  and  mistresses.  But 
the  priests,  and  "  the  church  bells,  were  the  black, 
earthly  spirits,  that  wounded  his  life." 

Thus  far,  Fox  may  have  been  regarded  as  a  harm- 
less religious  enthusiast,  doing  violence  in  word  to 
many  prevailing  opinions,  and  presenting  himself 
before  the  populace  in  opposition  to  their  amuse- 
ments. He  was  under  the  protection  of  sincerity  in 
his  words  and  demeanor.  Thus  far,  too,  he  had  fal- 
len under  no  censure  or  abuse,  except  that  of  words. 
He  had  neither  been  whipped,  fined,  nor  imprisoned. 
But  now  he  first  set  an  example  in  wrong-doing, 
which  was  readily  adopted,  and  far  exceeded  by  some 
of  his  first  converts,  and  which  presents  him 
and  them  before  us  as  riotous  disturbers,  if  not  as 
calumniators. 

One  Sunday  morning,  in  1649,  as  Fox  approached 
Nottingham,  and  saw  the  "  steeple  house,"  he  felt  a 
prompting  "  from  the  Lord,"  to  "  go  and  cry  against 
yonder  great  idol,  and  against  the  worshippers  there- 
in." He  deserted  his  own  company  to  go  on  the 
mission,  and  he  found  that  "  the  people  looked  like 
fallow  ground,  and  the  priest  like  a  great  lump  of 
earth."  In  the  course  of  the  sermon,  Fox  arose  and 
controverted  the  preacher ;  and  for  this  offence  he 
was  committed  to  prison.  From  that  time  forward, 
he  pursued  his  ministry  with  an  unequalled  devotion 
and  success.  Frequent  confinements  nourished  and 
fed  the  spirit,  which  spoke  from  his  heart  and  lips  in 
A.  u.,  VOL.  TV. —  3 


34  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

the  intervals  of  his  freedom.  He  travelled  largely  in 
both  hemispheres ;  an  apostolic  aspect  gave  him  rev- 
erence even  with  strangers ;  his  well  proved  ministry 
of  power  raised  him  almost  to  the  exaltation  of  an 
idol  among  his  friends.  He  died  with  the  armor  of 
his  warfare  upon  him,  while  William  Perm,  with  ad- 
miring and  loving  devotion,  watched  his  last  hours, 
bore  a  faithful  testimony  to  him  at  his  grave,  and 
edited  his  "  Letters  "  and  "  Journal,"  perhaps  the 
most  unclassical,  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  en- 
gaging and  impressive  volumes  of  religious  biog- 
raphy. 

To  those  who  are  interested  in  the  views  and  ex- 
periences of  the  early  Friends,  even  an  account  of 
them  extended  through  this  volume  would  be  too 
defective  and  brief.  Of  course,  such  an  account  can- 
not be  looked  for  here.  The  excesses  committed  by 
some  persons  calling  themselves  Quakers,  both  in 
Old  and  in  New  England,  such  as  outrages  of  lan- 
guage in  speech  and  in  letters,  were  excessively  irri- 
tating, apart  from  all  religious  bearings.  Even  Bar- 
clay walked  through  the  streets  of  Aberdeen  in  sack- 
cloth and  ashes.  In  New  England,  men  and  women 
ran  about,  and  even  entered  places  of  worship,  en- 
tirely divested  of  clothing,  and  by  other  gross  af- 
fronts drew  upon  themselves  inflictions,  which  never 
would  have  been  visited  upon  their  religious  opin- 
ions, if  entertained  and  expressed  with  a  regard  to 
the  rights  of  others.  These  excesses  were,  how- 
ever, soon  repudiated  by  the  true  members  of  the 
Society.  Penn  never  interrupted  a  religious  service 
but  once ;  and  though  he  at  first  used  the  severe  terms 


WILLIAM    PENN  35 

of  controversy  in  some  of  his  letters,  he  afterwards 
expressed  the  following  admirable  principle :  "  For 
however  differing  I  am  from  other  men  circa  sacra, 
and  that  world,  which,  respecting  men,  may  be  said 
to  begin  when  this  ends,  I  know  no  religion  that  de- 
stroys courtesy,  civility,  and  kindness;  which,  right- 
ly understood,  are  great  indications  of  true  men,  if 
not  of  good  Christians."* 

The  quaint  sincerity  of  the  early  Quakers  was  not 
one  of  the  least  of  their  peculiarities.  The  intensity 
of  their  love  for  the  fresh  and  vigorous  principles 
embraced  in  their  belief,  their  worship,  and  their  dis- 
cipline, led  them  to  an  extreme  in  condemning  the 
preferences  of  others.  George  Whithead,  one  of 
their  famous  preachers,  said  that  "  the  singing  of 
David's  psalms  became  so  burdensome  to  him  that 
sometimes  he  could  not  join  therewith ;  for  he  saw 
that  David's  conditions  were  not  generally  suitable 
to  the  states  of  a  mixed  multitude,  and  he  found 
himself  to  be  short  of  what  they  sung.  He  durst 
not  sing  the  psalms,  lest  he  should  have  told  lies  unto 
God."f 

The  great  principles  professed  and  most  consist- 
ently regarded  by  the  Quakers  are  familiar  to  those 
who  have  taken  any  proper  pains  to  learn  them. 
They  are  easily  stated,  for  they  are  simple.  They 
have  a  warrant  in  the  conscience;  they  are  con- 
formed to  the  strictest  interpretation  of  the  Christian 
religion.  The  great  tenet  of  the  inward  light,  as 
the  witness  of  God  in  every  human  breast,  is  well 

*  Penn's  "  Letter  to  Justice  Fleming,"  in  1673. 

t  Sewel's  "  History  of  the  People  called  Quakers,"  p.  79. 


36  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

and  briefly  described  by  Penn :  "  He  that  gave  us  an 
outward  luminary  for  our  bodies,  hath  given  us  an 
inward  one  for  our  minds  to  act  by."*  Their  pecu- 
liarities of  dress,  speech,  and  demeanor  had  their 
religious  meaning,  as  contrasted  with  the  gay  trap- 
pings, the  fawning  sycophantism,  and  the  levity, 
which  prevailed  at  the  time  of  their  origin.  One 
would  prefer  the  sober  garb  of  a  Quaker  to  the  vain 
and  foppish  parade  of  dress  which  Pepys,  for  in- 
stance, connects  with  his  appearance  at  court  and  at 
church.  The  first  expressions  of  Quaker  principles 
embraced,  with  remarkable  completeness  and  con- 
sistency, all  the  doctrines,  methods,  and  scruples, 
which  properly  belong  to  the  system,  or  could  be 
justly  inferred  from  it.f  All  individual  and  social 
abuses,  oaths,  war,  imprisonment  for  debt,  and  capi- 
tal punishments,  except  in  extreme  cases,  were  re- 
pudiated by  the  Quakers,  and  they  cleared  them- 
selves from  all  participation  therein. 

*  Penn's  "  Letter  to  William  Popple." 

f  The  following  paragraph  of  Sir  James  Mackintosh  falls 
within  fair  limits  of  candor.  "  Seeking  perfection,  by  re- 
nouncing pleasures,  of  which  the  social  nature  promotes  kind- 
ness, and  by  converting  self-denial,  a  means  of  moral  discipline, 
into  one  of  the  ends  of  life,  it  was  their  more  peculiar  and  hon- 
orable error,  that,  by  a  liberal  interpretation  of  that  affectionate 
and  ardent  language  in  which  the  Christian  religion  inculcates 
the  pursuit  of  peace,  and  the  practice  of  beneficence,  they  strug- 
gled to  extend  the  sphere  of  these  most  admirable  virtues  be- 
yond the  boundaries  of  nature.  They  adopted  a  peculiarity  of 
language,  and  a  uniformity  of  dress,  indicative  of  humility  and 
equality,  of  brotherly  love,  the  sole  bond  of  their  pacific  union, 
and  of  the  serious  minds  of  men,  who  lived  only  for  the  per- 
formance of  duty;  taking  no  part  in  strife,  renouncing  even 
defensive  arms,  and  utterly  condemning  the  punishment  of 
death."  "  Review  of  the  Causes  of  the  Revolution  of  1688." 
"  Miscellaneous  Works,"  American  edition,  p.  333. 


WILLIAM    PENN  37 

They  believed  that  the  great  principles  of  their 
system,  like  the  lessons  of  the  gospel,  were  equally 
suited  for  all  lands  and  for  all  people.  Zealous 
preachers,  men  and  women,  facing  all  perils  of 
oceans,  plagues,  dungeons,  and  stripes,  carried  the 
message  to  the  Pope,  to  the  Sultan,  to  Emperors, 
Kings,  Princes,  and  Rulers,  and  to  the  people  of 
every  clime.  It  is  no  wonder  that  large  accessions 
were  made  to  the  Society  of  Friends,  from  the  ster- 
ling classes  of  many  communities,  especially  from 
the  English  peasantry  and  yeomanry.  Their  litera- 
ture was  the  very  perfection  of  cottage  divinity.  It 
is  richer,  plainer,  more  winning  and  far  more  co- 
pious, than  that  of  the  Methodist  reformers  of  the 
next  century. 


460079 


CHAPTER  IV 

Penn's  serious  Tendencies  renewed. — Sent  to  Ireland. — Man- 
ages his  Father's  Estates  there. — Arrested  and  imprisoned. — 
His  Letter  thereupon. — Liberated  and  ordered  Home  by  his 
Father. — Befriended  by  his  Mother. — Becomes  a  Preacher, 
and  an  Author. — His  first  Books. — Has  a  public  Disputa- 
tion.— Publishes  his  "  Sandy  Foundation  Shaken." — Im- 
prisoned for  it. — Other  Writings. — Is  liberated. — Sent  again 
to  Ireland. — Reconciled  to  his  Father  on  his  Return. 

ON  the  return  of  Admiral  Penn  from  sea,  in  1666, 
he  found,  to  his  bitter  disappointment,  that  the  lively 
and  fashionable  air  which  travel  had  imparted  to 
his  son  was  but  temporary,  and  had  yielded,  in  his 
absence,  to  the  seriousness  which  was  inherent  in  his 
nature.  Intimacy  with  grave  persons,  and  interest 
in  the  grave  subjects  of  the  times,  had  had  their  nat- 
ural effect  upon  his  manners  and  conversation.  The 
difference  was  extreme  between  what  the  young  man 
was  and  what  his  father  would  have  had  him  to  be. 
Indeed,  one  remarkable  characteristic  of  the  age  was, 
that  its  men  and  manners,  its  theory  and  its  practice, 
were  wholly  uncontrolled  by  moderation.  Scarce  a 
single  prominent  character  seems  to  have  stood  be- 
tween the  utmost  freedom  of  licentiousness  on  the 
one  hand,  with  all  its  variety  of  wickedness,  and  the 
ungenial  moroseness  of  a  sour  pietism  on  the  other. 
The  Admiral  would  have  been  pleased  to  converse 

38 


WILLIAM    PENN  39 

with  his  son  about  the  court  and  its  gay  pleasures, 
and  to  have  had  him  share  his  own  interest  in  obtain- 
ing some  place  of  honor  or  profit.  The  society 
which  he  entertained  at  his  own  house,  and  which 
he  visited  in  town,  was  of  a  kind  which  would  be 
least  congenial  to  his  son,  whose  demure  looks,  and 
formal  language,  and  serious  conversation,  would 
rather  excite  their  ridicule  than  win  their  respect. 

The  Admiral,  determined  to  eradicate  the  extreme 
religious  tendency  of  his  son,  sent  him  over  to  the 
court  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  Lord-Lieutenant  of 
Ireland,  with  whom  he  was  intimately  acquainted. 
This  was  then  the  next  best  school  to  Paris  for 
learning  the  ways  of  pleasure,  frivolity,  and  dissi- 
pation. The  Duke  received  his  visitor  with  kind- 
ness, and  readily  admitted  him  to  the  society  of  the 
lively  and  fashionable.  But  what  Penn  witnessed 
served  only  to  disgust  him.  The  very  attempt  to 
win  him  from  seriousness,  by  exposing  him  to  the 
fascinations  of  vice,  served  most  effectually  to  con- 
firm him  in  the  more  sombre  and  exaggerated  views 
which  associated  themselves  with  religion  in  his 
mind. 

His  father,  being  possessed  of  two  large  estates 
in  the  county  of  Cork,  resolved  upon  committing  the 
entire  management  of  them  to  him,  hoping  that  close 
and  absorbing  employment  would  work  an  effect 
upon  him,  which  social  frivolities  had  failed  to  ac- 
complish. William  readily  assumed  the  responsible 
charge  committed  to  him,  and  sustained  it  so  as  to 
win  the  entire  approval  and  the  commendation  of  his 
father.  On  a  visit  of  business  to  Cork,  he  learned 


40  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

that  Thotnas  Loe,  whom  he  regarded  as  his  spiritual 
father,  was  to  speak  at  a  meeting  of  the  Quakers  in 
that  city.  As  might  be  expected,  Penn  resolved  to 
remain  and  hear.  Whether  or  not  the  zealous 
preacher  knew  that  his  young  disciple  at  Oxford 
was  in  the  crowd  which  he  addressed,  he  could  not 
have  chosen  introductory  words  more  suited  to  af- 
fect that  listener.  His  first  sentence  was,  "  There 
is  a  faith  which  overcomes  the  world,  and  there  is  a 
faith  which  is  overcome  by  the  world."  The  dis- 
course, conformed  to  this  motto,  deeply  impressed 
William  Penn,  calling  back  and  deepening  his  earli- 
est religious  impressions,  and  enlisted  his  feelings 
once  for  all  in  that  sect  to  which  the  speaker  be- 
longed. Conscience  seems  to  have  made  a  special 
application  to  himself  of  the  doctrine  taught. 

But  though  he  did  not  yet  join  the  Society  of 
Friends,  nor  assume  their  garb,  he  began  to  attend 
their  meetings.  At  one  of  these,  September  3d, 
1667,  he  was  apprehended,  with  others,  and  carried 
before  the  Mayor,  on  the  strength  of  a  proclamation, 
which  had  been  published  seven  years  before,  against 
tumultuous  assemblies.  The  Mayor,  noticing  that 
his  dress  did  not  mark  him  as  a  Quaker,  offered  him 
his  liberty  if  he  would  give  a  bond  for  his  good  be- 
havior. As  Penn  had  not  failed  of  good  behavior, 
he  refused  to  accept  his  liberty  on  this  condition,  and 
was  therefore  imprisoned,  with  eighteen  others.  He 
soon  availed  himself  of  the  acquaintance  which  he 
had  made  with  men  of  station  in  Ireland,1  to  write  a 
letter,  from  his  prison,  to  the  Earl  of  Orrery,  Lord 
President  of  the  Council  of  Munster.  It  is  a  strong, 


WILLIAM    PENN  4! 

dignified,  and  courteous  remonstrance,  stating  his 
apprehension,  not  by  an  act  of  Parliament  or  state, 
but  by  an  antiquated  order,  designed  to  suppress 
"  Fifth  Monarchy  killing  spirits,"  and  presenting 
the  folly  of  such  persecution,  to  one,  who,  he  says, 
was  "  not  long  since  a  good  solicitor  for  the  liberty 
I  now  crave."  This  letter  procured  his  immediate 
discharge. 

Another  bond  of  union  was  thus  formed  between 
him  and  the  new  sect,  and  he  soon  identified  himself 
with  the  Quakers,  with  the  exception  of  his  dress. 
His  father  received  tidings  of  his  son's  course,  in  a 
letter  from  a  nobleman,  and  at  once  ordered  him  to 
return  home.  He  complied;  and,  as  his  dress  did 
not  betray  him,  his  father  did  not  at  once  discover 
his  frame  of  mind.  But  this  was  soon  revealed  in 
his  language  and  deportment ;  and  when  his  neglect 
of  common  courtesies,  especially  that  of  the  hat.  and 
his  exclusive  intimacies  with  Quakers,  made  his 
father  aware  of  the  full  truth,  he  at  once  sought  an 
explanation  from  William. 

The  interview  must  have  been  distressing  to  both 
father  and  son,  who  showed  an  equal  degree  of  reso- 
lution and  pertinacity  in  their  respective  positions. 
The  father,  with  a  parent's  love,  with  worldly  hopes, 
and  an  utter  scorn  of  all  sanctimoniousness,  im- 
plored his  son  to  regard  his  wishes  and  his  own  in- 
terest. The  son,  moved,  as  he  believed,  by  a  divine 
impulse,  and  knowing  no  motive  higher  than  that 
of  conscience,  gently  resisted  alike  the  commands 
and  entreaties  of  his  parent.  Anger  on  the  one  part, 
and  fixed  determination  on  the  'other,  brought  the 


42  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

interview  to  a  close.  The  father  offered  to  give  his 
son  no  further  trouble  if  he  would  consent  only  to 
remove  his  hat  in  his  presence,  and  in  presence  of  the 
King  and  the  Duke  of  York.  William  desired  time 
to  consider  the  matter.  The  Admiral  charged  him 
with  intending  to  refer  the  subject  to  some  of  the 
Quakers ;  but  his  son  denied  that  such  was  his  pur- 
pose, and,  retiring  to  his  own  chamber,  he  meditated 
and  prayed  alone.  Sincerity  against  flattery  was 
the  question  for  his  conscience  to  argue.  Casuistry 
was  then  a  science,  truth  was  weighed  out  in  syllo- 
gisms, and  expediency  was,  with  the  multitude,  the 
rule  of  right.  Penn  had  another  principle;  he  ap- 
plied it  faithfully,  and  he  returned  to  say,  with  the 
greatest  filial  tenderness,  to  a  respected  father,  that 
he  could  not  remove  his  hat  by  way  of  compliment  to 
any  one.  His  father,  on  learning  his  decision,  im- 
mediately turned  him  out  of  doors.* 

There  was  a  text  of  Scripture  to  support  the 
young  Quaker,  thus  thrown  upon  the  world  without 
a  fortune  or  the  means  of  obtaining  a  subsistence. 
He  grieved  more  at  the  pain  he  had  given  to  his 
father  than  at  his  own  houseless  condition.  His 
mother,  and  some  constant  friends,  supplied  his 
wants,  though  she  was  compelled  to  aid  him,  and  to 

*  Pepys,  under  date  of  December  2Qth,  1667,  writes,  "  At 
flight  comes  Mrs.  Turner  to  see  us ;  and  there,  among  other 
talk,  she  tells  me  that  Mr.  William  Penn,  who  is  lately  come 
over  from  Ireland,  is  a  Quaker  again,  or  some  very  melan- 
choly thing ;  that  he  cares  for  no  company,  nor  comes  into  any ; 
which  is  a  pleasant  thing,  after  his  being  abroad  so  long,  and 
his  father  such  a  hypocritical  rogue,  and  at  this  time  an  athe- 
ist." Vol.  III.  p.  443.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  the 
calumnious  conclusion  of  this  sentence  merely  vents  the  spleen 
and  animosity  of  Pepys  against  the  Admiral. 


WILLIARJ    PENN  43 

communicate  with  him,  without  the  knowledge  of 
his  father.  But  every  such  experience,  which  Wil- 
liam Penn  encountered,  taught  and  confirmed  to 
him  the  faith  of  his.  subsequent  life. 

Being  now  identified  not  only  in  belief,  but  in  suf- 
fering, with  the  Quakers,  he  soon  became  a  promi- 
nent and  leading  instrument  in  converting  others. 
In  1668,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  he  spoke  at  their 
meetings — a  liberty  which  was  open  to  all,  males  and 
females,  though  we  may  well  believe  that  few  could 
improve  it,  as  he  did,  for  real  edification.  His  reso- 
lute adherence  to  the  principles  which  he  had  es- 
poused somewhat  mollified  his  father,  who  allowed 
him  to  return  to  the  house,  and,  though  refusing  to 
approve,  and  indeed  publicly  discountenancing,  his 
son,  yet  used  his  interest  to  relieve  him  from  some 
of  the  inflictions  which  his  attendance  at  meetings 
brought  upon  him.  In  the  same  year.  William 
Penn  began  to  imitate  the  almost  universal  practice 
of  his  fellow-believers,  in  writing  letters  of  exhor- 
tation.* The  Quakers  were  as  voluminous  and 
painstaking  in  this  mode  of  influence,  as  they  were 
earnest  and  incessant  in  their  public  ministry.  Epis- 
tles of  love  and  warning  went  forth  from  them  to 

*  I  have  before  me  "  A  Collection  of  the  Works  of  William 
Penn,  in  two  volumes.  To  which  is  prefixed  a  Journal  of 
his  Life,  with  many  original  Letters  and  Papers  not  before 
published."  London,  1726,  folio.  This,  the  only  complete  edi- 
tion of  the  vohiminous  writings  of  Penn,  was  made,  and  the 
Life  composed,  by  Joseph  Besse. 

I  have  also  "  The  Select  Works  of  William  Penn,  in  Five 
Volumes,  3d  Edition,  London,  1782,  8vo."  This  selection  con- 
tains those  works  of  the  author,  which,  as  having  less  bearing 
on  local  and  temporary  controversies,  are  regarded  as  possess- 
ing a  permanent  value. 


44  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

all  sorts  of  persons,  monarchs  and  servants,  friends 
and  foes.  Penn's  first  letter  of  this  sort,  addressed 
to  a  fashionable  young  man  of  his  acquaintance,  is 
dated  "  Navy  Office,  loth  of  the  fifth  month,  1668." 

This  year  also  witnessed  his  first  appearance  as  an 
author.  The  title  of  his  first  tract,  copied  in  full,  is  : 
"  Truth  exalted ;  in  a  short  but  sure  Testimony 
against  all  those  religious  Faiths  and  Worships,  that 
have  been  formed  and  followed  in  the  Darkness  of 
Apostasy ;  and  for  that  glorious  Light,  which  is  now 
risen,  and  shines  forth  in  the  Life  and  Doctrine  of 
the  despised  Quakers,  as  the  alone  good  old  Way  of 
Life  and  Salvation.  Presented  to  Princes,  Priests, 
and  People,  that  they  may  repent,  believe,  and  obey. 
By  William  Penn,  whom  divine  Love  constrains,  in 
an  holy  Contempt,  to  trample  on  Egypt's  Glory,  not 
fearing  the  King's  Wrath,  having  beheld  the  Maj- 
esty of  Him  who  is  invisible." 

The  limits  of  these  pages  will  permit  only  the 
slightest  notice  of  the  several  tracts  and  volumes  is- 
sued by  this  zealous  advocate  of  a  living  and  antag- 
onistic faith.  This,  the  first,  was  likewise  the  most 
ambitious  and  severe  of  all  his  writings;  and  it  is 
not  wholly  free  from  what  an  unprejudiced  reader 
might  pronounce  to  be  spiritual  pride  and  arro- 
gance. The  warning  which  it  contains  to  "  dark 
and  idolatrous  Papists,  to  superstitious  and  loose 
Protestants,  to  zealous  and  carnal  professors,"  and 
the  declaration  of  his  own  freedom,  enlightenment, 
and  security,  could  scarcely  be  set  in  the  bold  con- 
trast in  which  he  places  them,  by  one  so  ardent  and 
assured,  without  putting  meekness  and  humility  at  a 


WILLIAM    PENN  45 

risk.  But  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  much  of  the 
peculiarity  which  marks  the  views  of  the  Quakers 
to  us  arises  from  the  manner  in  which  they  are  ex- 
pressed ;  for  all  their  standard  works  were  written 
at  a  time  when  great  quaintness  of  style  and  speech 
and  the  harshest  severity  of  epithet  prevailed. 

Penn's  second  book,  called  "  The  Guide  Mistaken, 
and  Temporizing  Rebuked,"  was  published  in  the 
same  year.  This  is  wholly  controversial,  and  by  no 
means  of  the  gentlest  character,  being  designed  in 
answer  to  a  book  by  Thomas  Clapham,  entitled  "  A 
Guide  to  the  True  Religion."  Penn  calls  the  au- 
thor "  a  Cantabrigian  Sizer,"  and  treats  him  with 
great  contempt,  as  "  a  guide  who  had  not  gone  a 
page  before  he  lost  his  way."  The  reviewer,  how- 
ever, had  an  excuse  for  his  searching  criticism  of  a 
man  who  had  frequently  changed  his  religion,  inas- 
much as  his  book  was  an  attack  upon  the  Quakers 
and  misrepresented  them. 

Availing  himself  of  the  privilege,  Penn  had  the 
satisfaction  of  being  enabled  to  visit  the  dying  bed 
of  Thomas  Loe,  to  whose  appeals  and  lessons  he 
ascribed  the  strength  of  the  convictions  which  had 
settled  upon  him  with  such  power  in  Oxford.  A 
dying  testimony  was  regarded  as  of  great  impor- 
tance, and  of  the  highest  value  among  the  early 
Friends,  and  the  interview  between  these  two  suffer- 
ers in  a  common  cause  ended  in  a  cheering  exhorta- 
tion to  the  survivor. 

The  two  most  remarkable  of  the  religious  works 
of  William  Penn  were  produced  under  circumstances 
of  an  interesting  and  exciting  character,  which  first 


46  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

brought  him  under  the  inflictions  of  the  law  in 
England.  Two  members  of  a  congregation  in  Lon- 
don, of  which  Thomas  Vincent,  a  Presbyterian  min- 
ister, was  the  pastor,  went,  from  curiosity,  to  attend 
a  Quaker  meeting,  near  to  their  own  place  of  wor- 
ship, and  were  there  converted.  Their  pastor,  be- 
ing highly  offended,  not  only  remonstrated  with 
them,  but  violently  attacked  the  Qua'kers  and  their 
principles  from  his  pulpit.  His  charges,  being  more 
publicly  reported,  were  boldly  taken  up  by  Penn,  and 
George  Whitehead,  a  distinguished  and  voluminous 
writer  and  preacher  in  the  Society,  who  went  to  Vin- 
cent, and  demanded  an  opportunity  to  reply  before 
the  same  audience.  A  promise  to  this  effect  having 
been  reluctantly  granted,  and  the  time  appointed  for 
a  conference  in  Vincent's  meeting-house,  it  would 
seem  by  the  Quakers'  accounts,  (and  they  are  gen- 
erally the  most  fair  and  candid  of  all  writers,)  that 
the  Presbyterian  minister  did  not  conduct  with  pro- 
priety or  justice.  His  own  friends  so  crowded  the 
edifice  that  but  few  of  the  Quakers  could  obtain  en- 
trance. The  latter  were  assailed  by  opprobrious 
epithets,  Penn,  especially,  being  stigmatized  as  a 
Jesuit.  Vincent  abruptly  closed  the  conference, 
when  it  was  very  stormy,  by  "  falling  to  prayer  " 
for  the  Quakers,  as  blasphemers.  He  then  rushed 
out,  followed  by  most  of  his  congregation,  it  being 
nearly  midnight.  The  Quakers,  being  thus  cheated 
of  their  expected  opportunity,  continued  their  de- 
fence in  the  dark  to  the  few  who  remained.  Vin- 
cent came  back  with  a  candle,  and  ordered  them  to 
disperse,  which  they  did  on  being  promised  another 


WILLIAM    PENN  47 

meeting  at  the  same  place.  The  Quakers  having  in 
vain  waited  long  enough,  as  they  thought,  for  this 
promise  to  be  redeemed,  Penn  and  Whitehead  felt 
"  necessitated  to  visit  the  meeting-house."  This 
they  did  on  a  lecture  day,  and  attempted  to  speak 
after  the  services;  but  Vincent  retired,  and  none  of 
the  congregation  would  enter  into  a  discussion  with 
them. 

The  previous  controversy  had  turned  upon  the 
common  explanation  or  definition  of  the  doctrine  of 
the  Trinity,  in  which  the  Quakers  were  heretical. 
Penn  was  thus  induced  to  write  and  publish,  in 
1668,  his  famous  tract,  called  "  The  Sandy  Foun- 
dation Shaken,"  which  is  a  bold  attack  upon  "  those 
so  generally  believed  and  applauded  doctrines  of  one 
God  subsisting  in  three  distinct  and  separate  per- 
sons ;  of  the  impossibility  of  God's  pardoning  sin- 
ners without  a  plenary  satisfaction;  and  of  the  jus- 
tification of  impure  persons  by  an  imputative 
Righteousness/'  The  publication  of  this  very  pow- 
erful tract  caused  a  great  excitement,  which  ex- 
tended beyond  the  limits  to  which  the  agitation 
caused  by  the  Quakers  had  already  reached.* 
Church  dignitaries  and  dissenters  were  alike  scan- 
dalized at  it.  Penn  was  apprehended  and  com- 
mitted to  the  Tower.  In  reply  to  his  servant,  who 


*  Pepys,  under  date  1668-9,  February  I2th,  says,  "  went 
home;  and  there  Felling  hath  got  W.  Penn's  book  against  the 
Trinity.  I  got  my  wife  to  read  it  to  me ;  and  I  find  it  so  well 
writ  as,  I  think,  it  is  too  good  for  him  ever  to  have  writ  it ; 
and  it  is  a  serious  sort  of  book,  and  not  fit  for  everybody  to 
read."  The  index  to  Pepys,  strangely  enough,  ascribes  this 
book  to  the  Admiral. 


48  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

informed  him  that  the  Bishop  of  London  had  de- 
clared that  he  should  either  publicly  recant  or  die  a 
prisoner,  he  sent  word  to  his  father,  "  that  his  prison 
should  be  his  grave  before  he  would  budge  a  jot." 

While  thus  restrained  of  his  liberty  for  nearly 
nine  months.  William  Penn  wrote  the  treatise  on 
which  his  fame  as  a  Christian  scholar  may  safely 
rest.  It  is  entitled  "  No  Cross,  No  Crown ;  |  A  Dis- 
course showing  the  Nature  and  Discipline  of  the 
Holy  Cross  of  Christ."  It  is  a  thorough  treatise  on 
the  practice  of  self-denial,  and  the  faithful  perform- 
ance of  duty,  without  asceticism  or  exaggeration, 
written  with  power,  and  in  some  passages  with  real 
eloquence,  and  expresses  sentiments  from  which  no 
Christian  mind  can  dissent.  Its  most  remarkable 
feature,  however,  as  giving  proof  of  the  large  read- 
ing of  the  author,  is  its  wide  collections  of  testi- 
monies from  persons  of  all  ages  and  places,  who 
were  eminent,  in  any  way,  in  support  of  the  views 
which  he  presents. 

Willing  to  do  all  that  an  honest  and  conscientious 
man  might  do  to  procure  his  release,  Penn  wrote  a 
letter,  dated  July  5th,  1669,  to  Lord  Arlington, 
Secretary  of  State,  who  had  committed  him,  in 
which  he  denies  the  malicious  charges  of  enemies, 
offers  a  plea  for  religious  liberty,  and  demands  re- 
lease as  innocent,  or  the  proof  of  his  guilt,  request- 
ing also  an  audience  of  the  King.  In  this  letter  he 
says,  "  It  is  not  the  property  of  religion  to  persecute 
religion ;  that  scorns  to  employ  those  weapons  to  her 
defence  that  others  have  used  to  her  depression.  It 
is  her  privilege  alone  to  conquer  naked  of  force  or 


WILLIAM    PENN  49 

artifice.  And  that  person,  who  hath  not  the  elec- 
tion of  his  religion,  hath  none." 

Penn  also  wrote  in  the  Tower  a  small  tract,  en- 
titled "  Innocency  with  her  Open  Face,  presented  by 
Way  of  Apology  for  the  Book  entitled  '  The  Sandy 
Foundation  Shaken.'  '  In  this  tract  he  asserts  his 
belief  in  the  eternity  and  Deity  of  Jesus  Christ;  but 
we  cannot  enter  into  the  conditions  by  which  he 
would  harmonize  his  seemingly  conflicting  views.* 
Some  persons  were  satisfied  with  what  they  called 
his  recantation,  but  others  ridiculed  his  alleged  in- 
consistency. His  own  explanation  was,  that  he  had 
objected  only  to  terms  of  human  invention. 

By  the  interference  of  the  Duke  of  York  either 
with  or  without  the  solicitation  of  the  Admiral, 
William  Penn  was  released  from  the  Tower  by  a 
direct  discharge  from  the  King. 

On  his  release,  Penn  was  permitted  to  return  to 

*  Penn's  own  words,  found  in  a  fragment  of  an  "  Apology 
for  Himself,"  are  of  concise,  but  pregnant,  meaning.  "  That 
which  engaged  the  Bishop  of  London  to  be  warm  in  my  per- 
secution, was  the  credit  some  Presbyterian  ministers  had  with 
him,  and  the  mistake  they  improved  against  me,  of  my  denying 
the  Divinity  of  Christ,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity." 

"  As  I  saw  very  few,  so  I  saw  them  but  seldom,  except  my 
own  father  and  Dr.  Stillingfleet,  the  present  Bishop  of  Worces- 
ter. The  one  came  as  my  relation,  the  other  at  the  King's 
command,  to  endeavor  to  secure  my  change  of  judgment.  But 
as  I  told  him,  and  he  told  the  King,  that  the  Tower  was  the 
worst  argument  in  the  world  to  convince  me ;  for,  whoever  was 
in  the  wrong,  those  who  used  force  for  religion  could  never  be 
in  the  right ;  so  neither  the  doctor's  arguments,  nor  his  moving 
and  interesting  motives  of  the  King's  favor  and  preferment, 
at  all  prevailed ;  and  I  am  glad  I  have  the  opportunity  to  own 
so  publicly  the  great  pains  he  took,  and  humanity  he  showed, 
and  that  to  his  moderation,  learning,  and  kindness  I  will  ever 
hold  myself  obliged."  In  "  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  III.  Part  II.  p.  239. 
A.  B.,  VOL.  TV.  —  4 


50  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

his  father's  house,  and  to  reside  there,  though  he 
was  not  admitted  to  his  father's  presence.  We  learn 
from  Pepys,  that  the  Admiral  was  a  great  sufferer 
from  the  gout,  and  was  frequently  confined  at  home. 
He  lived  but  about  a  year  after  his  son's  release  from 
the  Tower.  Perhaps  his  own  irritability  of  con- 
stitution, as  well  as  his  disapprobation  of  his  son's 
course,  led  to  his  refusal  to  see  him,  and  made  it 
probably  more  than  desirable  that  they  should  not 
then  meet.  It  is  pleasant,  however,  to  know,  that 
he  had  full  confidence  in  his  son's  integrity  and  sin- 
cerity; for  he  gave  William,  through  his  mother,  a 
commission  to  go  again  for  him  to  Ireland  on  busi- 
ness. For  this  purpose,  the  son  left  London  on  the 
1 5th  of  September,  1669,  and,  pursuing  his  own 
chosen  work  on  the  way,  reached  Cork  on  the  26th 
of  October.  Here,  on  the  following  day,  he  had  a 
meeting,  and,  on  the  5th  of  November,  the  national 
meeting  of  Friends  was  held  at  his  lodgings  in  Dub- 
lin. At  this  meeting  a  letter  was  drawn  up  in  be- 
half of  the  Quakers  then  confined  in  prison  and  un- 
der penalty,  to  whom  Penn  devoted  himself ;  and 
he  presented  the  appeal  to  the  Lord-Lieutenant,  ac- 
companied by  such  interest,  as  served  to  procure 
their  release  in  the  following  year. 

Penn  was  by  far  the  most  important  man  for  so- 
cial standing  and  influence  whom  the  Friends  ever 
numbered  in  their  society.  His  influence,  which 
much  increased  after  this,  was  continually  enlisted 
in  behalf  of  individuals  and  the  whole  body;  and 
seldom  did  it  fail  wholly  of  success,  though  never 
used  to  the  sacrifice  of  principle.  Besides  visiting 


WILLIAM    PENN  51 

prisons  and  attending  meetings,  he  wrote  several 
letters  in  Ireland,  in  behalf  of  his  views,  especially 
"  A  Letter  of  Love  to  the  Young  Convinced,"  de- 
signed to  encourage  the  new  converts. 

In  thus  devoting  himself  to  labors  which  lay 
nearest  to  his  heart,  William  Penn  did  not  slight,  in 
any  way,  the  commission  which  he  had  received 
from  his  father.  He  attended  to  this  faithfully ;  and 
when  it  was  executed,  he  returned  home,  where, 
much  to  his  satisfaction,  he  was  reconciled  to  his 
father,  and  permitted  to  reside  in  the  house  as  an 
esteemed  son. 


CHAPTER  V 

Conventicle  Act. — Penn  arrested  while  preaching  in  the  Street 
in  London. — His  Trial,  Commitment,  and  Discharge. — Death 
of  his  Father. — William  settles  the  Estate. — His  Labors. — 
Is  again  arrested  and  imprisoned. — Writings  in  Prison. — 
Travels  in  Holland  and  Germany. — His  first  Marriage. — His 
Ministry  in  England. — More  controversial  Writings  and  Dis- 
putation.— Penn  first  interested  in  America. — Persecution  re- 
vived.— Correspondence  and  Discussion  with  Richard  Baxter. 

WILLIAM  PENN  had  not  long  enjoyed  the  pleas- 
ures of  liberty  and  reconciliation  at  home  before  he 
was  called  to  give  new  proofs  of  his  zeal.  The 
famous  Conventicle  Act,  which  was  passed  in  1670, 
rendered  penal  all  meetings  of  dissenters  for  wor- 
ship, and  their  religious  gatherings  thus  became,  in 
the  eye  of  the  law,  riotous  and  tumultuous  assem- 
blies. This  Act  operated  with  the  greatest  severity 
against  the  Quakers,  who  never  took  the  shelter  of 
concealment,  of  which  all  other  dissenters,  Protes- 
tant and  Roman  Catholic,  availed  themselves.  The 
principles  of  the  Friends  would  not  allow  of  any  sub- 
terfuge. They  must  not  only  meet  for  worship,  but 
must  meet  manfully  in  open  places ;  and,  more  than 
all,  their  consciences  compelled  them  to  refuse  to  pay 
the  fines,  which  were  the  penalty  prior  to  imprison- 
ment under  the  Conventicle  Act. 

The  Quakers  were  thus  excluded  from  their  first 
public  meeting-house  in  Grace  Church  Street.  Lon- 

52 


WILLIAM    PENN  53 

don.  Some  of  them  going  there  for  public  worship, 
August  15,  1670,  found  the  doors  guarded  by  sol- 
diers ;  and,  as  they  remained  near  by  and  were  joined 
by  others,  there  was  soon  a  gathering  in  the  street. 
William  Penn  and  William  Mead  addressed  the 
meeting,  and  were  forthwith  arrested  by  a  warrant 
from  the  Lord  Mayor,  by  which  they  were  com- 
mitted to  Newgate,  to  await  their  trial  at  the  next 
Old  Bailey  sessions.  This  trial,  which  Penn  after- 
wards, at  his  own  expense,  printed  at  large,  with  all 
the  documents  bearing  upon  it,  was  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  processes  in  English  jurisdiction,  inas- 
much as  the  jury,  in  spite  of  much  browbeating, 
overbearance,  and  severity  from  the  court,  agreed  to 
clear  the  prisoners.  The  technicalities,  exaggera- 
tions, and  contrivances  of  the  law  were  matters  of 
especial  abhorrence  to  the  Quakers,  who  often 
"  bore  testimony  "  against  them. 

On  this  occasion,  the  accused  immediately  ob- 
jected to  the  terms  of  the  indictment,  in  which  sim- 
ple and  peaceable  people  were  charged  with  "  tumul- 
tuously  assembling,  with  force  and  arms,  in  con- 
tempt of  the  King,"  "  to  the  great  disturbance  of  his 
peace,  and  to  the  great  terror  of  many  of  his  people 
and  subjects."  With  more  than  the  acumen  of  law- 
yers, and  with  at  least  as  much  of  sincerity,  did  Wil- 
liam Penn  and  Mead  plead  their  cause.  The  evi- 
dence failed  to  convict  them,  because,  though  evi- 
dence was  adduced  that  they  had  spoken,  no  one 
could  testify  as  to  what  they  had  said,  and  they 
therefore  could  not  be  proved  to  have  preached.  The 
jury  were  insulted  and  inhumanly  treated,  and  kept 


54  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

in  duress  without  refreshment  for  two  days  and  two 
nights,  because  they  would  not  bring  in  a  verdict 
under  dictation  of  the  court;  and  after  their  final 
rendering  of  "  Not  guilty  "  was  repeated  by  them, 
over  their  own  signatures,  they  were  each  fined  for 
contempt.  The  same  fine  was  put  upon  Penn  and 
Mead  for  contempt  in  wearing  their  hats;  and,  as 
they  refused  to  pay,  they  were  committed  to  a  dirty 
hole  in  the  bail-dock,  and  thence  sent  with  the  jury 
to  Newgate.  Penn's  father  remitted  the  amount  to 
liberate  him  and  his  companions ;  otherwise,  it  would 
have  gone  unpaid. 

Penn  was  released  from  Newgate  only  in  season 
to  attend  upon  the  last  days  of  his  father.  Perhaps 
the  Quaker  historians  have  exaggerated  the  account 
of  the  temporary  alienation  of  the  Admiral  from  his 
elder  son.*  The  father  had  tried  the  means,  which 
naturally  suggested  themselves,  to  oppose  what  he 
regarded  as  the  infatuated  course  of  William,  and 
his  devotion  to  a  purpose  which  brought  with  it 
ridicule  and  loss,  rather  than  worldly  profit.  It  is 
certain  that  the  resolution  and  integrity  of  the  son 
completely  subdued  the  parent.  The  Admiral  in  his 
will  intrusted  his  estate  to  William,  with  expressions 
of  his  confidence  and  love.  Before  his  death,  fore- 
seeing that  the  principles  of  his  son  would  bring 
upon  him  renewed  legal  penalties  and  social  inflic- 

*  Granville  Penn,  in  his  "  Memoirs  of  the  Admiral,"  com- 
plains of  this  exaggeration  of  the  Quaker  historians.  But 
William  Penn,  afterwards,  while  in  Holland,  gave  an  account 
of  his  early  religious  trials  at  a  meeting,  in  which  he  speaks 
of  his  father's  "  whipping,  beating,  and  turning  [him]  out  of 
doors,"  in  1662. 


WILLIAM    PENN  55 

tions,  he  sent  an  express  request  from  his  chamber 
to  the  Duke  of  York,  to  ask  from  him  and  his  royal 
brother  their  especial  friendship  and  interference. 
A  promise  to  that  effect  was  returned,  and  William 
reaped  a  measure  of  advantage  from  it.  The  son 
has  preserved  among  the  dying  testimonies  in  the 
second  edition  of  his  "  No  Cross,  No  Crown,"  the 
last  counsels  of  his  father,  including  a  Christian 
retrospect  of  his  own  life,  a  lamentation  over  the 
impiety  of  the  age,  and  some  excellent  rules  of  con- 
duct for  his  heir.  "  Son  William,"  said  he,  "  if  you 
and  your  friends  keep  to  your  plain  way  of  preach- 
ing, and  keep  to  your  plain  way  of  living,  you  will 
make  an  end  of  the  priests  to  the  end  of  the  world." 
He  died  at  Wanstead,  September  i6th,  1670,  leav- 
ing his  son  an  estate  worth  fifteen  hundred  pounds 
a  year,  with  large  claims  against  the  government.  / 

William  Penn  faithfully  discharged  the  trust  con- 
fided to  him  on  behalf  of  the  family ;  and  hencefor- 
ward, through  his  life,  the  cares  of  complicated  busi- 
ness, and  the  work  of  his  lay  ministry,  seem  to  have 
equally  divided  his  time.  The  latter  object  was 
pursued  more  successfully,  and  with  more  satisfac- 
tion to  himself,  than  the  former.  Soon  after  his 
father's  death,  hearing  that  the  Quakers,  and  him- 
self in  particular,  had  been  severely  attacked  by  a 
Baptist  preacher  named  Ives,  of  High  Wycomb, 
Buckinghamshire,  he  insisted  pertinaciously  upon 
having  an  opportunity  to  reply  in  an  open  discussion. 
A  brother  of  the  preacher,  excelling  him  in  power, 
undertook  the  dispute  in  public  with  Penn ;  but,  at- 
tempting to  deal  unfairly,  the  Quakers  gained  a 


56  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

triumph  over  him.  The  dispute  was  upon  "  the  in- 
ward light."  The  famous  Thomas  Ell  wood,  a  pupil 
of  Milton,  was  present. 

On  a  visit  to  Oxford,  in  November  of  this  year, 
he  learned  that  the  Quakers  there,  and  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  students, 
and  having  reason  to  believe  that  the  Vice-Chancel- 
lor had  instigated  or  allowed  these  persecutions,  he 
addressed  to  him  a  letter  of  a  sort  which  that  dig- 
nitary had  not  been  wont  to  receive.  In  this  epistle, 
he  describes  himself  as  "  one  who  is  above  the 
fear  of  man,  whose  breath  is  in  his  nostrils,"  and 
addressed  the  Vice-Chancellor  as  a  "  poor  mush- 
room." 

During  his  sojourn  at  the  family  seat  in  Bucking- 
hamshire this  winter,  he  wrote  a  tract  called  "  A  sea- 
sonable Caveat  against  Popery,"  controverting  a 
pamphlet  in  explanation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  be- 
lief. This  tract,  which  contains  objections  to  mat- 
ters of  ritual,  discipline,  and  faith  in  the  Roman 
church,  carefully  draws  the  line  between  argument 
and  persecution;  and  the  thoroughness  of  its  Prot- 
estantism might,  it  would  seem,  have  shielded  the 
author  from  the  charge  of  being  a  Jesuit,  under 
which  he  henceforward  suffered  much. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1671,  William  Penn  was 
again  apprehended  by  legal  warrant.  Being  on  a 
visit  to  London,  he  was  speaking  in  a  meeting-house 
of  the  Quakers  in  Wheeler  Street,  when  he  was 
forcibly  drawn  out  into  the  street  by  a  military  guard 
and  conveyed  to  the  Tower.  He  was  soon  ar- 
raigned before  some  of  the  same  magistrates  who 


WILLIAM    PENN  57 

had  conducted  his  former  trial.  The  attempt  to 
convict  him  by  the  Conventicle  Act,  and  by  the  Ox- 
ford Act,  respectively,  failed  by  technical  inefficacy 
of  the  testimony,  much  to  the  chagrin  of  the  court. 
In  this  emergency,  recourse  was  had  to  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  the  proffer  of  which,  as  a  last  resource, 
always  secured  the  conviction  of  the  Quakers,  as 
their  principles  led  them  alike  to  be  faithful  to  its 
requisitions,  and  to  resist  its  imposition,  because  it 
embraced  "  a  profane  use  "  of  the  name  of  God. 
Penn,  of  course,  refused  to  take  the  oath.  The  fol- 
lowing is  a  portion  of  the  conversation  which 
ensued. 

SIR  JOHN  ROBINSON,  (Lieutenant  of  the  Tower.) 
"  I  vow,  Mr.  Penn,  I  am  sorry  for  you ;  you  are  an 
ingenious  gentleman ;  all  the  world  must  allow  you, 
and  do  allow  you,  that;  and  you  have  a  plentiful 
estate.  Why  should  you  render  yourself  unhappy, 
by  associating  with  such  a  simple  people?  " 

PENN.  "  I  confess,  I  have  made  it  my  choice  to 
relinquish  the  company  of  those  that  are  ingeniously 
wicked,  to  converse  with  those  that  are  more  hon- 
estly simple." 

ROBINSON.     "  I  wish  you  wiser." 

PENN.     "  And  I  wish  thee  better." 

ROBINSON.  "  You  have  been  as  bad  as  other 
folk." 

PENN.  "When,  and  where?  I  charge  thee  to 
tell  the  company  to  my  face." 

ROBINSON.     "  Abroad,  and  at  home,  too." 

SIR  JOHN  SHELDEN,  (as  is  supposed.)  "  No,  no, 
Sir  John,  that's  too  much." 


58  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

PENN.  "  I  make  this  bold  challenge  to  all  men, 
women,  and  children  upon  earth,  justly  to  accuse 
me  with  ever  having  seen  me  drunk,  heard  me  swear, 
utter  a  curse,  or  speak  one  obscene  word,  much  less 
that  I  ever  made  it  my  practice.  I  speak  this  to 
God's  glory,  that  has  ever  preserved  me  from  the 
power  of  those  pollutions,  and  that  from  a  child 
begot  an  hatred  in  me  towards  them.  But  there  is 
nothing  more  common,  than,  when  men  are  of  a 
more  severe  life  than  ordinary,  for  loose  persons  to 
comfort  themselves  with  the  conceit,  that  they  were 
once  as  they  are,  and  as  if  there  were  no  collateral 
or  oblique  line  of  the  compass  or  globe,  men  may  be 
said  to  come  from  to  the  arctic  pole,  but  directly  and 
immediately  from  the  antarctic.  Thy  words  shall 
be  thy  burden,  and  I  trample  thy  slander  as  dirt 
under  my  feet." 

Penn  nobly,  and  with  great  beauty  as  well  as 
force  of  argument,  urged  his  conscience,  his  loyalty, 
and  his  resolution.  He  was,  however,  sentenced  to 
Newgate  for  six  months,  saying,  as  he  left  the  court, 
"  Thy  religion  persecutes,  and  mine  forgives."  He 
employed  the  time  of  his  confinement,  as  before,  in 
labors  of  the  pen,  in  defence  and  illustration  of  his 
principles.  The  chief  of  these  was,  "  The  Great 
Case  of  Liberty  of  Conscience."  This  is  an  admira- 
ble plea  from  reason,  Scripture,  and  history,  in  be- 
half of  toleration,  meeting  objections  and  enforcing 
arguments  with  much  learning  and  skill.  Besides 
the  highest  authorities  quoted  in  prose,  he  adduces 
old  Chaucer.  He  likewise  wrote,  in  Newgate, 
"  Truth  rescued  from  Imposture,"  being  a  reply  to  a 


WILLIAM    TENN  59 

review  of  the  account  which  he  had  published  of  his 
first  trial ;  also,  "  A  Serious  Apology  for  the  Prin- 
ciples and  Practices  of  the  People  called  Quakers," 
which  was  particularly  directed  against  a  book  of 
Thomas  Fenner's,  aspersing  and  ridiculing  the 
Friends.  A  second  edition  of  "  Truth  exalted  "  be- 
ing called  for,  Penn,  while  in  Newgate,  added  to  it 
a  "  Cautionary  Postscript."  He  united  with  other 
Quakers,  then  in  prison,  in  addressing  an  appeal  to 
Parliament,  which  was  at  the  time  devising  meas- 
ures to  enforce  the  Conventicle  Act  more  stringently, 
and  likewise  in  addressing  the  Sheriffs  of  London, 
to  expose  the  ill-treatment  which  he  and  others  re- 
ceived from  the  jailers.  The  Friends,  when  in 
prison,  had  no  idea  of  being  treated  as  felons,  and 
resolved  to  resist  all  measures  which  confounded 
them  with  criminals.  Penn,  having  received  in 
Newgate  a  letter  from  a  Roman  Catholic,  complain- 
ing of  what  he  had  written  against  the  doctrines  of 
that  church,  sent  him  a  very  racy  reply,  beginning 
thus :  "  My  ingenious  friend,  I  am  persuaded  I  was 
cooler  when  I  read  thy  letter  than  thou  wast  when 
thou  writst  it.  If  I  may  have  so  much  credit  with 
thee,  and  you  Catholics  are  famous  for  believing, 
(though  it  be  you  know  not  what,)  I  do  declare  my 
end  of  animadverting  upon  that  palliated  confession 
was  no  other,  than  of  presenting  to  the  world  the 
Catholic  true  creed;  and  I  shall  avouch  the  author- 
ities." 

After  his  liberty  was  again  restored  to  him,  Penn 
travelled  for  a  short  time  in  Holland  and  Germany. 
We  have  no  account  of  this  his  first  tour,  except 


60  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

some  occasional  references  to  it  in  the  narrative  of 
his  travels  six  years  afterwards. 

The  declaration  of  indulgence  published  by  the 
King,  March  I5th,  1672,  relieved  the  Non-conform- 
ists of  all  kinds  from  many  civil  penalties,  and  nearly 
five  hundred  imprisoned  Quakers  gained  their  lib- 
erty, while  the  whole  body  of  them  were  for  a  time 
freed  from  legal  persecution. 

On  his  return  from  Holland,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1672,  Penn,  being  then  in  his  twenty-eighth 
year,  married  Gulielma  Maria  Springett.  Her 
father,  Sir  William  Springett,  having  been  killed  in 
the  civil  wars,  at  the  siege  of  Bamber,  while  in  the 
service  of  Parliament,  her  widowed  mother  had  mar- 
ried Isaac  Pennington,  a  famous  preacher  and  suf- 
ferer among  the  Quakers.  In  his  religious  family 
the  wife  of  Penn  had  received  her  education.  After 
his  marriage,  Penn  took  a  residence  at  Rickmans- 
worth  in  Hertfordshire.* 

Far  from  yielding  himself  to  repose  and  the  en- 
joyment of  his  property,  Penn  employed  all  his 
energies  in  a  work,  which  constituted  his  life.  The 
Quakers,  relieved  from  legal  penalties,  were  still  in 
the  heat  of  controversy,  suffering  indignities  from 
the  populace,  and  from  the  ministers  whose  hearers, 
from  time  to  time,  went  over  by  multitudes  to  the 


*  Thomas  Elwood,  who  was  for  many  years  an  inmate  and 
tutor  in  the  family  of  Isaac  Pennington,  relates  many  interest- 
ing particulars  concerning  it,  and  especially  concerning  Gu- 
lielma. He  describes  her  attractions  of  body  and  of  mind,  and 
refers  to  her  many  suitors.  Indeed,  it  requires  all  our  confi- 
dence in  his  own  simple  truthfulness,  to  admit  his  disavowal 
of  having  been  greatly  interested  in  her  on  his  own  part. 


WILLIAM    PENN  6 1 

Friends.  Their  meetings  were  very  frequent.  In  a 
tour,  which  Penn  made  in  September,  1672,  through 
Kent,  Sussex  and  Surrey,  he  preached  twenty-one 
times  in  as  many  days,  and  his  labors  were  always 
eminently  successful.  In  November  he  wrote  a  let- 
ter of  caution  and  exhortation  against  falling  away, 
to -Dr.  Hasbert,  a  physician  of  Embden,  in  Germany, 
whom  he  had  interested  in  his  recent  visit.  He  en- 
gaged with  dissenters  of  all  sorts,  who  grudged  to 
the  Quakers  the  protection  of  that  mantle  of  tolera- 
tion which  sheltered  themselves.  In  answer  to  an 
anonymous  pamphlet,  called  "  The  Spirit  of  the 
Quakers  tried,"  he  published  "  The  Spirit  of  Truth 
vindicated  against  that  of  Error  and  Envy,"  con- 
taining, among  other  proofs  of  learning  and  power, 
a  comparison  of  all  the  versions  of  the  Scripture,  in 
all  languages,  as  to  their  rendering  of  his  favorite 
passage  of  "  the  inward  light  which  lighteth  every 
man." 

In  reply  to  the  two  wild  fanatics,  Reeves  and 
Muggleton,  he  wrote  "  The  New  Witnesses  proved 
Old  Heretics."  In  the  account  given  of  interviews 
between  Penn  and  Muggleton,  Greek  seems  to  have 
met  Greek,  and  Penn  concludes  that  "  the  devil  be- 
fooled himself,"  in  choosing  Reeves  and  Muggleton 
for  his  oracles.  Under  the  title  of  "  Plain  Dealing 
with  a  traducing  Anabaptist,"  Penn  published,  in 
January,  1673,  his  correspondence  with  John  Morse, 
of  Watford,  who  had  attacked  him.  To  another 
preacher,  who  had  written,  against  the  Quakers, 
"  Controversy  ended,"  Penn  replied  in  "  A  Winding 
Sheet  for  Controversy  ended."  John  Faldo,  an  In- 


62  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

dependent  preacher,  "  being  sensible  that  every  sheep 
he  lost  carried  away  wool  on  his  back,"  had  attacked 
the  Quakers  in  a  book  called  "  Quakerism  no  Chris- 
tianity." Penn  replied  at  length  in  his  "  Quakerism 
a  New  Nickname  for  old  Christianity."  Faldo 
wrote  a  rejoinder,  to  which  Penn  next  year  re- 
sponded in  a  bulky  volume,  "  The  Invalidity  of 
John  Faldo's  Vindication."  In  looking  over  these 
spicy  tractates,  which  have  kept  their  odor  more 
tenaciously  than  the  old  mummies  in  the  catacombs, 
we  receive  most  lively  impressions  of  the  guerilla 
warfare  of  sects  which  succeeded  in  England  to  the 
stake  and  the  fetter. 

In  1673,  Penn,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  jour- 
neyed over  the  western  part  of  England,  and,  meet- 
ing George  Fox,  who  had  lately  returned  from 
Maryland,  they  had  a  series  of  meetings  during  a 
great  fair  at  Bristol  and  made  many  converts. 

Thomas  Hicks,  a  Baptist  preacher,  had  written 
"  A  Dialogue  between  a  Christian  and  a  Quaker," 
and  as  he  composed  both  parts  of  the  controversy, 
he  gained  an  easy  victory,  though  the  weak  arguing 
of  the  Quaker  assumed  to  be  a  fair  exhibition  of  that 
side.  To  this  Penn  replied  in  one  of  his  most  dig- 
nified and  thorough  compositions,  called  "  The 
Christian  Quaker  and  his  Divine  Testimony  stated 
and  vindicated  from  Scripture,  Reason,  and  Author- 
ity." Hicks  wrote  an  addition  to  his  Dialogue,  tak- 
ing no  notice  of  Penn's  answer,  which  contempt  led 
the  latter  to  write  his  "  Reason  against  Railing,  and 
Truth  against  Fiction."  Hicks  added  still  a  third 
part  to  his  Dialogue,  and  again  Penn  replied  in 


WILLIAM    PENN  63 

"  The  Counterfeit  Christian  detected,  and  the  Real 
Quaker  justified."  Hicks  was  silenced,  but  the 
Quakers,  appealing  to  the  Baptists  generally,  de- 
manded a  conference.  This  was  granted;  but,  as 
advantage  was  taken  of  the  absence  of  Penn  *and 
Whitehead,  the  former  demanded  a  hearing  for 
himself,  in  a  paper  entitled  "  William  Penn's  just 
Complaint  against  and  solemn  Offer  of  a  public  Meet- 
ing to  the  leading  Baptists."  Penn  won  his  oppor- 
tunity, and  powerfully  advocated  the  doctrine  that 
Christ  was  "  the  Inward  Light,"  as  we  learn  from 
an  account  of  the  discussion  which  he  sent  to  George 
Fox. 

While  this  matter  was  in  hand,  Faldo  sent  Penn 
a  challenge  to  a  public  discussion,  which  was  de- 
clined. Faldo  then  published  "  A  Curb  to  William 
Penn's  Confidence."  Penn  rejoined  in  "  A  Return 
to  John  Faldo's  Reply."  Faldo  then  enlisted 
twenty-one  ministers  to  write  a  preface  to  a  second 
edition  of  his  "  Quakerism  no  Christianity,"  and 
Penn  finally  brought  the  controversy  to  a  close  in 
this  quarter,  by  "  A  Just  Rebuke  to  One  and  Twenty 
Learned  and  Reverend  Divines,"  for  which  he  re- 
ceived high  commendation  from  the  famous  Dr. 
Henry  More.  In  answer  to  Henry  Halliwell,  who 
wrote  "  Familism,  as  it  is  revived  and  propagated  by 
the  Quakers,"  Penn  published  his  "  Wisdom  justi- 
fied of  her  Children."  And  in  reply  to  the  Reverend 
Samuel  Grevil,  of  the  Established  Church,  who 
wrote  "  A  Discourse  against  the  Testimony  of  the 
Light  within,"  Penn  returned  his  "  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim,  or  the  Apostolical  Doctrines  of  Light  and  Per- 
fection maintained." 


64  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Dissension  had  already  begun  its  work  among  the 
Friends.  The  doctrine  of  immediate  revelations  or 
inspiration  proved  to  be  dangerous  and  delusive  to 
some  minds.  Under  its  impulse,  some  Quakers  had 
travelled  on  distant  missions  to  the  Pope  and  the 
Turks,  and  others  had  been  guilty  of  great  extrava- 
gances at  home.  John  Perrot  and  John  Luff  had 
gone  to  Rome.  The  latter  died  in  the  Inquisition; 
the  former,  having  been  consigned  to  a  madhouse, 
was  restored  to  his  friends  in  England  through  much 
interest  made  in  his  behalf.  He  "  had  a  revelation  " 
that  he  must  keep  on  his  hat  in  prayer,  unless  on  oc- 
casions when  he  had  a  revelation  to  take  it  off.  Act- 
ing in  different  places  on  this  principle,  he  was,  after 
a  remonstrance,  disowned  by  the  Friends,  and  he 
gave  forth  his  complaint  in  an  anonymous  pamphlet, 
called  "  The  Spirit  of  the  Hat."  To  this  Penn  re- 
plied in  "  The  Spirit  of  Alexander  the  Coppersmith 
lately  revived,  and  now  justly  rebuked."  Perrot 
then  attacked  the  principles  of  the  Quakers,  and 
Penn  followed  him  up  with  a  tract  called  "  Judas 
and  the  Jews  combined  against  Christ  and  his 
Followers." 

In  the  same  year,  Penn  wrote  "  A  Discourse  of 
the  General  Rule  of  Faith  and  Practice,  and  Judge 
of  Controversy."  Nor  did  his  pen  rest  here;  for, 
besides  a  paper  entitled  "  The  Proposed  Comprehen- 
sion (Toleration)  soberly  and  not  unseasonably  con- 
sidered," he  published  six  letters,  three  of  them  be- 
ing in  remonstrance  or  warning  to  individuals,  and 
the  others  letters  of  encouragement  to  Quakers  in 
Holland  and  Germany,  in  the  United  Netherlands, 


WILLIAM    PENN  65 

and  in  Maryland.  The  last  is  the  first  indication  of 
his  interest  in  the  New  World.  George  Fox  had 
engaged  him  to  intercede  in  behalf  of  the  Quakers  in 
Lord  Baltimore's  colony,  and  by  application  to  the 
Attorney-General  to  relieve  them  from  oaths  and  a 
military  tax.  Penn  gave  them  his  aid  and  advice. 
These  numerous  writings  engaged  the  zeal  as  well 
as  the  time  of  the  author.  As  to  their  spirit,  it  may 
truly  be  said  that  it  is  not  so  severe  as  that  of  the 
books  which  he  controverted.  Of  course  the  fact, 
that,  in  each  and  all  of  them,  he  goes  over  much  the 
same  ground  of  subject  and  argument,  lessens  our 
wonder  at  their  number.  His  letter  to  Mary  Penny- 
man,  an  apostate,  is  a  remarkable  specimen  of  plain 
language  and  spiritual  rebuke. 

In  the  year  1674,  Parliament  having  pronounced 
the  King's  declaration  of  indulgence  illegal,  the 
Quakers  again  came  under  severe  persecution.  They 
were  fined,  imprisoned,  robbed,  and  inhumanly 
treated,  under  the  Conventicle  Act  and  the  Oath  of 
Allegiance.  Their  refusal  to  s\vear  and  to  pay  any 
fines  increased  their  sufferings.  Penn  wrote,  in 
their  behalf,  letters  of  remonstrance  to  justices  of 
the  peace,  and  to  the  King,  naming  some  persecu- 
tors. Finding  these  of  no  avail,  he  published,  suc- 
cessively, "  A  Treatise  of  Oaths ;  "  "  England's  pres- 
ent Interest  considered  with  Honor  to  the  Prince  and 
Safety  to  the  People;  "  and  "  The  Continued  Cry  of 
the  Oppressed  for  Justice,"  all  of  them  works  of 
much  solidity,  skill,  and  wisdom.  Besides  these,  he 
wrote  a  long  Latin  letter  to  the  senate  at  Embden, 
against  the  persecution  of  the  Quakers  there,  and 
A.  B.,  VOL.  iv.  —  5 


66  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

three  controversial  works,  as  follows :  "  Naked 
Truth  needs  no  Shift,"  in  answer  to  "  The  Quaker's 
Last  Shift  found  out ;  "  "  Jeremy  Ives's  Sober  Re- 
quest proved  in  the  Matter  of  it  to  be  false,  and  im- 
pertinent, and  impudent ;  "  and  "  Libels  no  Proofs." 
Through  his  incessant  interest,  George  Fox,  then  in 
prison,  was  liberated. 

In  the  year  1675,  while  residing  at  Rickmans- 
worth,  and  preaching  in  the  neighborhood,  which 
abounded  with  Quakers,  he  had  a  correspondence,  of 
which  five  pungent  letters  of  his  own  are  preserved, 
with  the  famous  Richard  Baxter.  This  led  to  an 
open  discussion  between  them  before  a  large  audi- 
ence, and  both  parties  claimed  the  victory.  Penn 
also  published  a  small  tract,  called  "  Saul  smitten 
to  the  ground,"  being  an  account  of  the  dying, 
suffering,  and  remorse  of  Matthew  Hide,  an  enemy 
and  troubler  of  the  Quakers.  Another  letter,  to  a 
Roman  Catholic,  is  dated  October  9th  of  this  year. 
These  abundant  labors  vindicate  the  claims  of  Penn 
to  an  honorable  fame  in  England,  independently  of 
his  influence  engaged  on  this  side  of  the  water,  where 
his  interest  was  now  turned. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Penn  first  concerned  in  American  Colonization. — A  Trustee  of 
West  New  Jersey. — His  Arrangements  for  its  Settlement  by 
Quakers. — His  zealous  Efforts  are  successful. — His  second 
Tour  in  Holland  and  Germany. — Returns  to  England,  and 
labors. — Persecution  revived. — Penn  petitions  Parliament  for 
the  Quakers. — His  political  Influence. — Intercedes  in  Behalf 
of  West  New  Jersey. 

WHATEVER  weight  may  be  attached  to  the  miracu- 
lous "  opening  as  to  these  parts,"  which  William 
Penn  said  he  had  in  his  youth,  it  would  seem  as  if  a 
mere  accident  first  interested  him  in  American  col- 
onization. Flattering  reports  having  circulated  in 
England  of  the  prosperity  of  the  numerous  Quakers, 
who  had  settled  in  the  central  plantations  of  the  New 
World,  led  others  of  the  Society  to  turn  their  atten- 
tion thither,  as  to  a  place  of  refuge  and  peace.  Lord 
Berkeley  and  Sir  John  Carteret  having  become  joint 
patentees  from  the  Duke  of  York  of  the  province  of 
New  Jersey,  the  former,  in  1674,  conveyed  his  por- 
tion by  deed  to  John  Fenwick,  in  trust  for  himself 
and  Edward  Byllynge.  Both  Fenwick  and  Byllynge 
were  Quakers.  The  former  seems  to  have  been  dis- 
honest or  unfair,  and  a  dispute  arose  between  him 
and  his  partner.  Instead  of  having  recourse  to  law, 
by  a  better  custom  of  their  own,  the  Quakers  called 
in  the  arbitration  of  William  Penn,  and  his  decision 
was  in  favor  of  Byllynge.  FenwTick,  though  mani- 

67 


68  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

festly  in  the  wrong,  still  refused  to  yield;  but  the 
influence  and  expostulatory  letters  of  Penn  at  last 
so  far  prevailed  that  he  acceded  to  the  settlement, 
and,  in  16/5,  embarked,  with  his  family  and  other 
Quakers,  for  West  Jersey. 

The  attention  of  Penn  was,  for  a  season,  called 
from  his  new  employment  to  his  more  familiar  work 
of  controversy;  and  in  answer  to  John  Cheney's 
"  Skirmish  upon  Quakerism,"  he  published  "  The 
Skirmisher  defeated,  and  Truth  defended."  He  also 
wrote,  in  1676,  a  hortatory  letter  of  ten  folio  pages, 
addressed  jointly  to  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  daugh- 
ter of  Frederic  of  Bohemia,  and  granddaughter  of 
James  the  First,  and  to  her  friend  and  companion, 
the  Countess  of  Homes.  Robert  Barclay,  then  on  a 
tour  of  preaching  on  the  Continent,  had  visited  these 
noble  ladies,  and  found  them  well-disposed  to  the 
principles  of  the  Quakers.  Penn  availed  himself  of 
the  information  to  excite  and  advise  them. 

After  an  adjustment  had  been  made  between  Fen- 
wick  and  Byllynge,  the  latter,  being  too  much  em- 
barrassed to  improve  it,  made  over  all  his  property 
to  Penn,  and  two  of  his  creditors  as  trustees.  Penn 
assumed  the  office  with  reluctance,  but  immediately 
devoted  himself  to  its  discharge.  The  province  was 
divided  into  East  New  Jersey,  then  somewhat  thickly 
settled  under  Carteret,  and  West  New  Jersey;  and 
the  latter  was  apportioned  into  a  hundred  proprie- 
taries, ten  of  which  were  assigned  to  Fenwick,  and 
ninety  were  held  in  trust  for  Byllynge.  These  were 
immediately  offered  for  sale,  and  emigration  to  them 
was  invited.  Penn  had  the  principal  hand  in  draw- 


WILLIAM    PENN  69 

ing  up  a  frame  of  government,  under  the  title  of 
Concessions,  or  terms  of  grant  and  agreement,  to  be 
mutually  signed  by  the  assignees  and  the  purchasers. 
"  We  put  the  power  in  the  people,"  says  Penn.  In- 
vitations were  circulated  with  this  paper  to  induce 
Quakers  especially  to  avail  themselves  of  its  privi- 
leges. Some  considerable  difference  of  opinion  arose 
in  the  Society  at  large,  about  what  seemed  a  derelic- 
tion of  principles,  by  leaving  home  and  escaping  per- 
secution, while  others  entertained  too  flattering 
hopes. 

To  meet  these  conflicting  views,  the  assignees  ad- 
dressed an  admonitory  circular  letter  to  the  members 
of  the  Society,  cautioning  the  sanguine  and  encour- 
aging the  timid.  This  letter  was  accompanied  by  a 
"  Description  of  West  New  Jersey,"  designed  to  be 
fair  in  its  delineations,  and  not  at  all  Utopian.  The 
form  of  government  was  inviting,  as  it  embraced 
religious  freedom,  and  copied  the  provision  in  the 
enactments  of  Berkeley  and  Carteret,  that  there 
should  be  no  taxation  independent  of  the  allowance 
of  the  settlers.  Great  zeal  being  now  manifested  to 
emigrate,  two  companies  of  Quakers,  the  one  from 
London,  the  other  from  Yorkshire,  made  large  pur- 
chases of  land,  and  the  assignees  appointed  commis- 
sioners from  them  to  treat  with  the  Indians  and  pre- 
vious white  settlers  about  their  just  rights  to  the 
territory,  to  apportion  the  lots,  and  to  administer  the 
government  for  a  year.  These  arrangements  were 
completed  by  Penn  and  his  colleagues  in  the  early 
part  of  1677.  He  had  at  that  time  left  his  residence 
at  Rickrnansworth,  and  removed  to  Worminghurst, 


70  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

in  Sussex.  The  work  which  he  had  assumed  was 
congenial  to  his  taste,  and  was  performed  under  a 
sense  of  high  responsibility.  <,His  spirit  was  likewise 
somewhat  calmed  in  the  retirement  and  study  which 
were  necessary  in  his  trust,  and  the  change  of  occu- 
pation from  the  consuming  passions  of  controversy, 
to  the  deliberate  business  of  legislation,  doubtless 
had  a  good  effect  on  his  whole  character.  His  later 
years  certainly  exhibit  an  alteration  of  temper,  and 
his  later  writings  show  more  of  a  spirit  of  modera- 
tion. The  most  devoted  admirers  and  eulogists  of 
Penn  take  upon  themselves  an  unnecessary  as  well 
as  a  doubtful  office,  when  they  would  vindicate  his 
religious  zeal  from  the  charge  of  partaking  largely 
in  the  less  commendable  traits  of  the  early  Quakers. 
It  is  no  reproach  to  him  that  age  enlarged  his  wis- 
dom and  that  reflection  increased  his  chanty. 

Penn  had  the  satisfaction  of  bringing  his  labors 
for  the  Quaker  colonization  of  West  New  Jersey  to 
a  propitious  result.  In  1677,  three  vessels,  two  from 
London  and  one  from  Hull,  sailed  for  their  new 
destination,  carrying  more  than  four  hundred 
Quakers,  who  gave  to  their  settlement  the  name  of 
Burlington,  and  were  rapidly  joined  by  successive 
reinforcements  from  their  Society.  Charles  the  Sec- 
ond, in  his  pleasure  barge,  went  alongside  the  first 
vessel  in  the  Thames,  and  gave  to  the  passengers 
his  blessing,  such  as  it  was. 

After  attending  the  yearly  meeting  of  the  Quakers 
in  London,  in  June,  1677,  and  interesting  himself  in 
behalf  of  those  who  were  suffering  there,  Penn 
visited  his  mother  in  Essex,  and  then,  fulfilling  a 


WILLIAM    PENN  71 

purpose  which  he  had  long  cherished,  he  sailed  for 
Holland  in  "  the  service  of  the  gospel."  Accom- 
panied by  Fox,  Barclay,  and  six  other  Quakers,  with 
two  servants,  he  embarked  at  Harwich  for  Rotter- 
dam, July  26th.  As  has  been  already  remarked, 
these  journeys  into  foreign  lands,  to  spread  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Quakers,  had  engaged  many  devoted 
laborers.  The  names  of  persons  high  and  low  in 
station,  simple  and  wise  in  intellect,  who  were  "  seek- 
ing truth  and  life,"  and  were  favorably  disposed  to- 
ward the  new  dispensation,  were  discovered,  and  the 
persons  were  sought  out.  Information  was  most 
methodically  communicated  at  the  yearly,  monthly, 
and  weekly  meetings  of  the  Friends,  and  thus  a 
chain,  as  strong  and  more  visible  than  that  of  sym- 
pathy, was  made  to  unite  believers  all  over  Christian 
Europe.  The  Princess  Elizabeth  had  answered 
Penn's  letter,  and  some  pardonable  gratification  at 
the  prospect  of  so  distinguished  a  convert  encouraged 
him  for  his  second  ministerial  tour.  The  master  of 
the  vessel  which  carried  him,  having  sailed  with  his 
father,  showed  him  kindness  on  board. 

Penn,  separating  at  times  from  his  companions, 
and  joining  others,  travelled  diligently  over  Holland 
and  Germany,  making  the  most  of  every  opportunity 
to  disseminate  his  views.  He  made  use  of  any  mode 
of  conveyance  that  came  to  his  relief,  and,  failing  of 
such  aid,  his  feet  were  sufficient.  He  held  meetings 
in  chambers,  rooms,  and  public  places ;  he  rose  from 
his  bed,  after  having  retired,  to  expound  his  princi- 
ples to  the  inquisitive,  and  endeavored  to  be  present 
at  all  the  regular  assemblies  already  established  on 


72  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

the  Continent  by  little  communities  of  Friends.  He 
paid  particular  attention  to  distinguished  converts, 
and  to  the  disciples  who  had  been  gathered  by  De 
Labadie,  whose  views  resembled  his  own.  He  as- 
sisted in  drawing  up  rules  of  discipline.  He  wrote 
many  letters  to  foreigners,  and  to  his  own  country- 
men, one  of  them  being  addressed  to  the  King  of 
Poland,  remonstrating  with  him  for  his  persecuting 
spirit,  and  another  to  those  of  his  own  Society  in 
England,  which,  dissatisfied  with  the  attempts  re- 
cently made  to  repress  extravagances,  and  to  main- 
tain discipline  in  the  body,  had  caused  discord  and 
separation.  After  a  most  successful  tour,  closed, 
however,  by  a  stormy  and  dangerous  passage,  he 
reached  Harwich  on  his  return,  October  24th,  1677, 
and  multiplied  his  letters  of  counsel  in  all  directions. 
These  travels  doubtless  suggested  to  Penn  much  in- 
formation, which  was  subsequently  of  value  to  him, 
and  gave  him  an  enlarged  acquaintance  with  human 
nature.  Emigrants  from  nearly  every  place  which 
he  visited  were  afterwards  found  in  the  Jerseys,  or  in 
Pennsylvania. 

He  returned  to  his  family,  and  enjoyed  a  season 
of  repose,  which  was  brief,  and  not  free  from  inter- 
ruptions. Business  and  zeal  led  him  to  frequent 
visits  to  London.  In  the  same  year,  he  went,  with 
other  Quaker  leaders,  to  Bristol,  and  took  part  in  a 
famous  dispute  with  William  Rogers,  the  head  of  the 
separatists  and  the  antagonist  of  Barclay. 

But  his  services  were  now  engaged  in  a  new  emer- 
gency of  danger,  to  ward  off  from  the  Quakers  more 
inflictions  arising  from  the  troubles  of  the  times. 


WILLIAM    PENN  73 

The  discovery  of  the  pretended  Popish  plot  had  in- 
flamed the  people  and  their  rulers  against  the  Roman 
Catholics.  The  cry  of  the  Jesuits  was  in  every  ear, 
and  imagination  conjured  up  all  horrors  as  meditated 
by  them,  while  it  discovered  beneath  all  the  disguises 
of  sectarianism  and  fanaticism,  only  the  more  sly 
and  dangerous  members  of  that  order.  The  Act 
under  which  most  stringent  penalties  \vere  visited  on 
the  Papists  included  all  dissenters,  but  fell  most 
heavily  upon  the  Quakers,  who  sought  no  conceal- 
ment, and  who  therefore  suffered  renewed  trials  and 
losses.  They  were,  moreover,  regarded  as  disguised 
Jesuits  of  the  most  dangerous  sort,  by  the  mass  of 
the  people;  and  this  delusion  was  only  conformed 
to  the  prevailing  idea,  that  Popery  was  the  Mystery 
of  Iniquity.  Penn,  especially,  was  publicly  accused 
of  being  in  orders  and  under  pay  of  the  Pope. 

Parliament,  recognizing  the  justice  of  distinguish- 
ing between  Protestant  and  Popish  dissenters,  de- 
signed a  protecting  clause,  which  would  relieve  all 
who  would  take  the  oath  and  subscribe  the  declara- 
tion against  Popery.  The  Quakers  could  not  take 
the  oath,  and  were  thus  subjected  to  the  prosecu- 
tions of  the  Exchequer,  and  to  the  rage  of  the  popu- 
lace. Penn,  therefore,  presented  petitions  to  both 
Houses,  objecting  to  the  form,  not  to  the  matter  of 
the  protecting  clause,  and  asking  that  the  word  of 
the  Quakers  might  stand  for  their  oaths ;  a  falsehood 
in  them  being  punished  as  perjury.  He  was  ad- 
mitted to  a  hearing  before  a  Committee  of  the  Com- 
mons, March  22d,  1678.  Here  he  positively  denied 
the  absurd  charge  of  being  a  Jesuit;  and,  while 


74  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

pleading  for  his  own  friends,  he  magnanimously  in- 
cluded the  Roman  Catholics  in  his  plea.  "  I  would 
not  be  mistaken.  I  am  far  from  thinking  it  fit  that 
Papists  should  be  whipped  for  their  consciences,  be- 
cause I  exclaim  against  the  injustice  of  whipping 
Quakers  for  Papists.  No!  for  though  the  hand, 
pretended  to  be  lifted  up  against  them,  hath  (I  know 
not  by  wrhat  discretion)  lit  heavy  upon  us,  and  we 
complain,  yet  we  do  not  mean  that  any  should  take 
a  fresh  aim  at  them,  or  that  they  must  come  in  our 
room.  We  must  give  the  liberty  we  ask,  and  cannot 
be  false  to  our  principles,  though  it  were  to  relieve 
ourselves." 

On  a  second  hearing  before  the  Committee,  Penn 
spoke  again  in  much  the  same  strain.  He  says,  "  I 
was  bred  a  Protestant,  and  that  strictly  too.  I  lost 
nothing  by  time  or  study ;  for  years,  reading,  travel, 
and  observations  made  the  religion  of  my  education 
the  religion  of  my  judgment."  He  proceeds  to  vindi- 
cate his  friends  as  thorough  Protestants,  and  as  sup- 
porters of  government,  being  perfectly  satisfied  with 
that  which  was  established,  and  determined,  "  with 
Christian  humility  and  patience,  to  tire  out  all  mis- 
takes about  us,  and  wait  their  better  information, 
who,  we  believe,  do  as  undeservedly  as  severely  treat 
us."  These  appeals  of  Penn  so  far  availed  that  a 
clause  for  the  relief  of  the  Quakers  was  introduced 
into  the  bill  before  Parliament,  and  passed  the  Com- 
mons, but  had  not  reached  its  third  reading  in  the 
Upper  House  when  Parliament  was  prorogued.  It 
was  by  this  resolute  and  unyielding  pertinacity,  that 
the  Quakers  before  long  secured  to  themselves  free- 


WILLIAM    PENN  75 

dom  from  oaths  and  from  military  service,  and 
liberty  to  solemnize  their  own  marriages. 

Penn  published  this  year  "  A  Brief  Answer  to  a 
False  and  Foolish  Libel,"  in  reply  to  an  anonymous 
book,  called  "  The  Quakers'  Opinions,"  which  un- 
dertook to  represent  the  sentiments  of  the  Friends 
by  extracts  from  some  of  their  writings,  with  com- 
ments. He  also  wrote  "  An  Epistle  to  the  Children 
of  Light  in  this  Generation,"  which  was  designed  to 
calm  and  strengthen  the  minds  of  the  Quakers  amid 
the  real  trials  and  the  panics  and  anxieties  of  those 
times  of  trouble. 

In  the  following  year,  1679,  Penn  attempted  to  do 
for  all  his  Protestant  brethren  the  same  kind  service, 
which  he  had  performed  for  the  members  of  his  own 
Society,  namely,  to  calm  and  direct  their  anxious 
feelings  under  the  panic,  which  distracted  all  minds 
on  account  of  the  expected  restoration  of  Popery. 
In  "  An  Address  to  Protestants  of  all  Persuasions 
upon  the  present  Conjuncture,  more  especially  to  the 
Magistracy  and  Clergy,  for  the  Promotion  of  Virtue 
and  Charity,"  he  advanced  truths  and  counsels 
equally  and  permanently  valuable  in  all  social  emer- 
gencies. He  exposed  the  prevailing  wickedness  in 
high  and  low  places;  he  presented  in  a  strong  light 
the  utter  folly  of  all  human  tests  and  standards  in 
matters  of  faith,  and  he  traced  these  sins  and  errors 
to  their  fruitful  causes.  About  the  same  time,  too, 
AYilliam  Penn  performed  a  grateful  labor  of  love,  in 
writing  a  preface  to  a  folio  collection  of  the  works  of 
Samuel  Fisher,  an  eminent  and  honored  preacher 
among  the  Friends,  who  died  while  imprisoned  for 
his  faith. 


76  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Penn  made  himself  many  enemies,  at  this  pe'riod 
of  his  life,  by  his  close  attention  to  each  crisis  in  the 
ever-shifting  distractions  of  the  time.  He  filled  a 
prominent  place  in  public  affairs,  because  of  his  in- 
timacies at  court,  his  acquaintance  with  party  lead- 
ers, and  his  position  as  the  acknowledged  head  of  his 
religious  Society.  His  enemies  could  not  or  would 
not  discriminate  between  the  avowed  opposition  of 
the  Quakers  to  all  civil  enactments  about  religion, 
and  their  supposed  obligation  to  take  no  part  in  the 
great  public  agitations  of  the  time.  Because  they 
resisted  all  restraints  of  conscience,  and  would  not 
fight,  nor  swear,  it  was  exacted  of  them  that  they 
should  be  silent  spectators  of  the  turmoil  and  ferment 
of  that  troubled  period.  But  they  could  discriminate 
more  wisely.  When  writs  were  issued  for  a  new 
Parliament,  Penn  engaged  the  interest  of  many  free- 
holders of  his  Society,  and  made  strenuous  exertions, 
which  brought  upon  himself  insult  and  abuse,  in  a 
repeated  attempt,  unsuccessful  in  both  instances,  to 
secure  the  election  of  his  friend  the  famous  Algernon 
Sydney.  He  also  wrote  a  pamphlet,  equally  plain  in 
its  counsel,  to  the  court  and  the  people,  entitled 
"  England's  great  Interest  in  the  Choice  of  a  new 
Parliament,  dedicated  to  all  her  Freeholders  and 
Electors."  This  was  followed  by  a  volume,  con- 
taining "  One  Project  for  the  Good  of  England;  that 
is,  our  Civil  Union  is  our  Civil  Safety."  In  this 
latter  work,  he  aims  to  secure  protection  for  Protes- 
tant dissenters  as  citizens,  by  suggesting  some  test 
which  will  distinguish  them  from  the  subjects  of  the 
Pope,  though  he  carefully  demands  freedom  from 
persecution  for  all. 


WILLIAM    PENN  77 

His  pen  was  exercised,  in  1680,  in  writing  Pref- 
aces to  three  books,  put  forth  by  the  Quakers  in  ex- 
postulation and  complaint  of  the  renewed  inflictions 
visited  upon  them,  and  also  in  a  Preface  to  the  works 
of  Isaac  Pennington,  already  mentioned  as  the  step- 
father of  Mrs.  Penn. 

Meanwhile,  as  one  of  the  trustees  of  Byllynge, 
and  as  agent  for  the  settlers  in  West  New  Jersey,  the 
court  influence  of  Penn  was  engaged  in  their  behalf 
this  year.  That  colony  was  now  flourishing  in  early 
prosperity,  and  many  of  the  Quakers,  in  successive 
companies,  were  seeking  its  laborious  retreats.  But 
its  prosperity  was  threatened,  and  its  colonists  were 
oppressed,  by  the  renewal  of  a  tax  laid  upon  it,  ten 
years  before,  in  favor  of  the  Duke  of  York,  its  orig- 
inal proprietary.  Governor  Andros,  of  the  province 
of  New  York,  revived  the  demand  at  this  time,  and 
of  course  the  trustees  of  Byllynge  were  appealed  to, 
to  secure  the  fulfillment  of  the  contract  under  which 
the  settlers,  succeeding,  as  they  maintained,  to  the 
rights  of  Berkeley  and  Byllynge,  had  purchased.  At 
the  risk  of  offending  the  Duke  of  York,  Penn  applied 
to  him  for  relief.  The  Duke  referred  the  matter  to 
the  council,  and,  after  some  time,  by  the  decision  of 
Sir  William  Jones,  the  colonists  were  declared  ex- 
empt from  the  burden. 


CHAPTER  VII 

Penn  petitions  the  King  for  a  Grant  of  Land  in  America. — 
Opposition  to  it. — His  Success. — The  Charter. — Title  of  his 
Province. — Is  a  Purchaser  of  East  New  Jersey. — His  Influ- 
ence in  his  religious  Society. — Preparations  for  the  Settle- 
ment of  his  Province.— First  Emigration. — Penn's  first  Pro- 
ceedings.— Elected  to  the  Royal  Society. — He  escapes  another 
Arrest. — Death  of  his  Mother. — His  Frame  of  Government. 
— Obtains  a  Release  from  the  Duke  of  York,  and  a  Deed  of 
the  Territories. — Prepares  to  embark. — His  Counsels  to  his 
Family. 

THE  interest  of  William  Penn  having  been  thus 
engaged  for  some  time  in  the  colonization  of  an 
American  province,  and  the  idea  having  become  fa- 
miliar to  his  mind  of  establishing  there  a  Christian 
home  as  a  refuge  for  Friends,  and  the  scene  for  a 
fair  trial  of  their  principles,  he  availed  himself  of 
many  favorable  circumstances  to  become  a  proprie- 
tary himself.  The  negotiations  in  which  he  had  had 
so  conspicuous  a  share,  and  the  information  which 
his  inquiring  mind  would  gather  from  the  adventures 
in  the  New  World,  gave  him  all  the  knowledge  which 
was  requisite  for  his  further  proceedings.  Though 
he  had  personal  enemies  in  high  places,  and  the  pro- 
ject which  he  designed  crossed  the  interests  of  the 
Duke  of  York  and  of  Lord  Baltimore,  yet  his  court 
influence  was  extensive,  and  he  knew  how  to  use  it. 
The  favor  of  the  monarch,  and  of  his  brother  the 
Duke,  had,  as  before  stated,  been  sought  by  the 

7* 


WILLIAM    PENN  79 

dying1  Admiral  for  his  son,  and  freely  promised.  But 
William  Penn  had  a  claim  more  substantial  than  a 
royal  promise  of  those  days.  The  crown  was  in- 
debted to  the  estate  of  the  Admiral  for  services, 
loans,  and  interest,  to  the  amount  of  sixteen  thousand 
pounds.  The  exchequer,  under  the  convenient  man- 
agement of  Shaftesbury,  would  not  meet  the  claim. 
Penn,  who  was  engaged  in  settling  the  estate  of  his 
father,  petitioned  the  King,  in  June,  1680,  for  a 
grant  of  land  in  America  as  a  payment  for  all  these 
debts.* 

The  request  was  laid  before  the  Privy  Council, 
and  then  before  the  Committee  of  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions. Penn's  success  must  have  been  owing  to  great 
interest  made  on  his  behalf;  for  both  the  Duke  of 
York,  by  his  attorney,  and  Lord  Baltimore,  opposed 
him.  As  proprietors  of  territory  bounding  on  the 
tract  which  he  asked  for,  and  as  having  been  already 
annoyed  by  the  conflict  of  charters  granted  in  the 
New  World,  they  were  naturally  unfairly  biassed. 
The  application  made  to  the  King  succeeded  after 
much  debate.  The  provisions  in  the  charter  of  Lord 
Baltimore  were  adopted  by  Penn  with  slight  altera- 
tions. Sir  William  Jones  objected  to  one  of  the  pro- 
visions, which  allowed  a  freedom  from  taxation,  and 
the  Bishop  of  London,  as  the  ecclesiastical  super- 
visor of  plantations,  proposed  another  provision,  to 
prevent  too  great  liberty  in  religious  matters.  Chief- 
Justice  North  having  reduced  the  patent  to  a  satisfac- 
tory form,  to  guard  the  King's  prerogative  and  the 

*  The  Petition  is  in  "  Pennsylvania  Papers,"  page  I,  and  in 
the  "  Journal  of  the  Plantation  Office,"  Vol.  III.  p.  174. 


80  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

powers  of  Parliament,  it  was  signed  by  writ  of  privy 
seal  at  Westminster,  March  4th,  1681.  It  made 
Penn  the  owner  of  about  forty  thousand  square 
miles  of  territory. 

This  charter  is  given  at  length  by  Proud  and  other 
writers.*  The  preamble  states,  that  the  design  of 
William  Penn  was  to  enlarge  the  British  empire,  and 
to  civilize  and  convert  the  savages.  The  first  section 
avers  that  his  petition  was  granted  on  account  of  the 
good  purposes  of  the  son,  and  the  merits  and  services 
of  the  father.  The  bounds  of  the  territory  are  thus 
defined :  "  All  that  tract  or  part  of  land,  in  America, 
with  the  islands  therein  contained,  as  the  same  is 
bounded  on  the  east  by  Delaware  River,  from  twelve 
miles  distance  northwards  of  New  Castle  town,  unto 
the  three  and  fortieth  degree  of  northern  latitude,  if 
the  said  river  doth  extend  so  far  northward;  but  if 
the  said  river  shall  not  extend  so  far  northward,  then, 
by  the  said  river,  so  far  as  it  doth  extend ;  and  from 
the  head  of  the  said  river,  the  eastern  bounds  are  to 
be  determined  by  a  meridian  line  to  be  drawn  from 
the  head  of  the  said  river,  unto  the  said  forty-third 
degree.  The  said  land  to  extend  westward  five  de- 
grees in  longitude,  to  be  computed  from  the  said 
eastern  bounds ;  and  the  said  lands  to  be  bounded  on 
the  north  by  the  beginning  of  the  three  and  fortieth 


*  "  History  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I.  p.  171-187.  The  long  in- 
terval, which  elapsed  between  Penn's  request  for  the  grant  and 
his  reception  of  the  charter,  was  occupied  by  discussions  in  the 
council,  and  by  correspondence  with  Sir  John  Werden,  in  be- 
half of  the  Duke  of  York  and  the  agents  of  Lord  Baltimore. 
All  the  documents  may  be  found  in  Hazard's  "  Register  of 
Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I.  pp.  269-271,  and  273,  274. 


WILLIAM    PENN  8  I 

degree  of  northern  latitude,  and  on  the  south  by  a 
circle  drawn  at  twelve  miles'  distance  from  New 
Castle,  northward  and  westward,  unto  the  beginning 
of  the  fortieth  degree  of  northern  latitude ;  and  then 
by  a  straight  line  westward  to  the  limits  of  longitude 
above  mentioned." 

Though  these  boundaries  appear  to  be  given  with 
definiteness  and  precision,  a  controversy,  notwith- 
standing, arose  at  once  between  Penn  and  Lord  Bal- 
timore, which  outlasted  the  lives  of  both  of  them, 
and,  being  continued  by  their  representatives,  was 
not  in  fact  closed  until  the  Revolutionary  War. 

The  charter  vested  the  perpetual  proprietaryship 
of  this  territory  in  \Yilliam  Penn  and  his  heirs,  on 
the  fealty  of  the  annual  payment  of  two  beaver-skins ; 
it  authorized  him  to  make  and  execute  laws  not  re- 
pugnant to  those  of  England,  to  appoint  judges,  to 
receive  those  who  wished  to  transport  themselves, 
to  establish  a  military  force,  to  constitute  municipali- 
ties, and  to  carry  on  a  free  commerce.  It  required 
that  an  agent  of  the  proprietor  should  reside  in  or 
near  London,  and  provided  for  the  rights  of  the 
Church  of  England.  The  charter  also  disclaimed  all 
taxation,  except  through  the  proprietor,  the  Gov- 
ernor, the  Assembly,  or  Parliament,  and  covenanted, 
that,  if  any  question  of  terms  or  conditions  should 
arise,  it  should  be  decided  in  favor  of  the  proprietor. 
By  a  declaration  to  the  inhabitants  and  planters  of 
Pennsylvania,  dated  April  2d,  the  King  confirmed 
the  charter,  to  ratify  it  for  all  who  might  intend  to 
emigrate  under  it.  and  to  require  compliance  from 
all  whom  it  concerned. 
A.  B.,  VOL.  iv.  —  6 


82  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

By  a  letter  from  Penn  to  his  friend  Robert  Turner, 
written  upon  the  day  on  which  the  charter  was 
signed,  we  learn  that  the  proprietor  designed  to  call 
his  territory  New  Wales;  but  the  under-secretary,  a 
Welshman,  opposed  it.  Penn  then  suggested  Sylva- 
nia,  as  applicable  to  the  forest  region ;  but  the  secre- 
tary, acting  under  instructions,  prefixed  Penn  to  this 
title.  The  modest  and  humble  Quaker  offered  the 
official  twenty  guineas  as  a  bribe  to  leave  off  his 
name.  Failing  again,  he  went  to  the  King,  and 
stated  his  objection ;  but  the  King  said  he  would  take 
the  naming  upon  himself,  and  insisted  upon  it  as 
doing  honor  to  the  old  Admiral.* 

Having  the  satisfaction  of  hearing  of  the  flourish- 
ing prospects  of  West  New  Jersey,  Penn  became, 
with  eleven  others,  a  purchaser  of  East  New  Jersey, 
which  was  sold  in  February,  1682,  according  to  the 
will  of  Sir  George  Carteret.  Twelve  more  partners, 
nearly  all  of  whom  were  Quakers,  as  were  the  whole 
of  the  first  twelve,  were  admitted  to  the  purchase 
and  management;  and  this  colony,  of  which  Eliza- 
beth Town  was  the  capital,  was  soon  populous  and 
prosperous. 

With  all  the  increasing  cares  which  Penn  wras 
about  to  assume,  he  was  not  remiss  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duty,  which  seems  to  have  been  looked  for 
from  him  rather  than  assumed  by  him,  of  acting  as 
the  guiding  mind  of  his  enlarged  religious  Society. 
At  this  time,  the  line  was  drawn  between  the  fanati- 
cal or  enthusiastic  party,  who  laid  claim  to  special 

* "  Memoirs    of    the    Historical    Society    of    Pennsylvania," 
Vol.  I.  p.  201. 


WILLIAM    PENN  83 

revelations,  which  they  followed  to  the  contempt  of 
discipline,  and  the  moderate  party,  who  were  in  favor 
of  the  judicious  methods  and  restraints,  which  have 
since  given  compactness  and  dignity  to  the  Society 
of  Friends.  Penn  showed  his  judgment,  not  only  by 
the  side  which  he  had  espoused  from  the  beginning, 
but  by  his  mode  of  expostulating  with  the  unruly  and 
discordant.  He  published  a  little  tract,  entitled  "  A 
Brief  Examination  and  State  of  Liberty  Spiritual, 
both  with  Respect  to  Persons  in  their  private  Ca- 
pacity, and  in  their  Church  Society  and  Com- 
munion." He  also  engaged  most  zealously  for  the 
relief  of  several  members  of  his  Society,  who  had 
been  fined  and  imprisoned  at  Bristol,  and  wrote  "  A 
Letter  to  the  Friends  of  God  in  the  City  of  Bristol." 
Penn  now  resigned  the  charge  of  West  New  Jer- 
sey, and  devoted  himself  to  the  preliminary  tasks, 
which  should  make  his  province  available  to  himself 
and  others.  He  sent  over,  in  May,  his  cousin  and 
secretary,  Colonel  William  Markham,  then  only 
twenty-one  years  old,  to  make  such  arrangements  for 
his  own  coming  as  might  be  necessary.*  This  gen- 
tleman, who  acted  as  Penn's  deputy,  carried  over 
from  him  a  letter,  dated  London,  April  8th,  1681, 
addressed  "  For  the  Inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania ; 
to  be  read  by  my  Deputy."  This  was  a  courteous 
announcement  of  his  proprietaryship  and  intentions 
to  the  Dutch,  Swedes,  and  English,  who,  to  the  num- 

*  Anthony  Brockholls,  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  York, 
having  received  Markham's  credentials,  issued  an  Order  con- 
formed to  them,  to  all  magistrates  in  Pennsylvania,  dated  June 
2ist,  1681.  Hazard's  "  Register  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I. 
p.  3<J5. 


84  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ber,  probably,  of  about  three  thousand,  were  then 
living  within  his  patent.* 

Penn's  object  being  to  obtain  adventurers  and  set- 
tlers at  once,  he  published  "  Some  Account  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  in  America,  lately 
granted,  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  to  Wil- 
liam Penn."  This  was  accompanied  by  a  copy  of 
the  charter,  and  a  statement  of  the  terms  on  which 
the  land  was  to  be  sold,  with  judicious  advice  ad- 
dressed to  those  who  were  disposed  to  transport 
themselves,  warning  them  against  mere  fancy 
dreams,  or  the  desertion  of  friends,  and  encouraging 
them  by  all  reasonable  expectations  of  success. 

The  terms  of  sale  were,  for  a  hundred  acres  of 
land,  forty  shillings  purchase  money,  and  one  shil- 
ling as  an  annual  quitrent.  This  latter  stipulation, 
made  in  perfect  fairness,  not  unreasonable  in  itself, 
and  ratified  by  all  who  of  their  own  accord  acceded 
to  it,  was,  as  we  shall  see,  an  immediate  cause  of 
disaffection,  and  has  ever  since  been  the  basis  of  a 
calumny  against  the  honored  and  most  estimable 
founder  of  Pennsylvania. 

Under  date  of  July  nth,  1681,  Penn  published 
"  Certain  Conditions  or  Concessions  to  be  agreed 
upon  by  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor 
of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  those  who  may 
become  Adventurers  and  Purchasers  in  the  same 
Province."  These  conditions  relate  to  dividing, 
planting,  and  building  upon  the  land,  saving  mul- 

*  The  original  letter  has  been  recovered  by  the  zealous  pains 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  and  appears  in  their 
"  Memoirs,"  Vol.  III.  Part  II.  p.  205. 


WILLIAM    PENN  85 

berry  and  oak  trees,  and  dealing  with  the  Indians. 
These  documents  were  circulated,  and  imparted  suf- 
ficient knowledge  of  the  country  and  its  produce,  so 
that  purchasers  at  once  appeared,  and  Penn  went  to 
Bristol  to  organize  there  a  company  called  "  The 
Free  Society  of  Traders  in  Pennsylvania,"  *  who 
purchased  twenty  thousand  acres  of  land,  and  pre- 
pared to  establish  various  trades  in  the  province. 

Yet  further  to  mature  his  plans,  and  to  begin  with 
a  fair  understanding  among  all  who  might  be  con- 
cerned in  the  enterprise,  Penn  drew  up  and  sub- 
mitted a  sketch  of  the  frame  of  government,  pro- 
viding for  alterations,  with  a  preamble  for  liberty  of 
conscience.  On  the  basis  of  contracts  and  agree- 
ments thus  made,  and  mutually  ratified,  three  pas- 
senger ships,  two  from  London  and  one  from  Bristol, 
sailed  for  Pennsylvania  in  September,  1681.  One 
of  them  made  an  expeditious  passage;  another  was 
frozen  up  in  the  Delaware ;  and  the  third,  driven  to 
the  West  Indies,  was  long  delayed.  They  took  over 
some  of  the  ornamental  work  of  a  house  for  the 
proprietor. 

The  Governor  also  sent  over  three  commissioners, 

*  The  constitution  of  this  society,  copied  from  an  old  con- 
temporaneous pamphlet,  is  in  Hazard's  "  Register  of  Pennsyl- 
vania," Vol.  I.  p.  394,  397.  It  appears  in  a  letter  from  Penn  to 
Robert  Turner,  dated  August  25th,  1681,  that  a  very  tempting 
offer  was  made  to  him  to  enrich  himself  by  sacrificing  one  of 
his  most  cherished  purposes.  "  I  did  refuse  a  great  temptation 
last  second  day,  which  was  six  thousand  pounds,  and  pay  the 
Indians,  for  six  shares,  and  make  the  purchasers  a  company, 
to  have  wholly  to  itself  the  Indian  trade  from  south  to  north, 
between  the  Susquehanagh  and  Delaware  Rivers,  paying  me 
two  and  a  half  per  cent,  acknowledgment  or  rent."  "  Memoirs 
of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I.  p.  205. 


86  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

whose  instructions  we  learn  from  the  original  docu- 
ment addressed  to  them  by  Penn,  dated  September 
3Oth,  1 68 1.*  These  commissioners  were  William 
Crispin,  John  Bezar,  and  Nathaniel  Allen.  Their 
duty  was  that  of  "settling  the  colony."  Penn  refers 
them  to  his  cousin  Markham,  "now  on  the  spot." 
He  instructs  them  to  take  good  care  of  the  people; 
to  guard  them  from  extortionate  prices  for  com- 
modities from  the  earlier  inhabitants ;  to  select  a  site 
by  the  river,  and  there  to  lay  out  a  town;  to  have  his 
letter  to  the  Indians  read  to  them  in  their  own 
tongue;  to  make  them  presents  from  him,  (adding, 
"  Be  grave;  they  love  not  to  be  smiled  upon;")  and 
to  enter  into  a  league  of  amity  with  them.  Penn 
also  instructs  the  commissioners  to  select  a  site  for 
his  own  occupancy,  and  closes  with  some  good  ad- 
vice in  behalf  of  order  and  virtue. 

These  commissioners  probably  did  not  sail  until 
the  latter  part  of  October,  as  they  took  with  them  the 
letter  to  the  Indians,  to  which  Penn  refers.  This 
letter,  bearing  date  October  i8th,  1681,  is  a  beauti- 
ful expression  of  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  proprie- 
tor. He  does  not  address  the  Indians  as  heathen, 
but  as  his  brethren,  the  children  of  the  one  Father. 
He  announces  to  them  his  accession,  as  far  as  a  royal 
title  could  legitimate  it,  to  a  government  in  their 
country ;  he  distinguishes  between  himself  and  those 
who  had  ill-treated  the  Indians,  and  pledges  his  love 
and  service. 

*  This  document  likewise  has  been  recovered  by  the  Penn- 
sylvania Historical  Society,  and  appears  in  the  "  Memoirs," 
Vol.  II.  Part  I.  p.  215-221. 


WILLIAM    PENN  8? 

About  this  time,  William  Perm  was  elected  a  fel- 
low of  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  probably  by 
nomination  of  his  friend  Dr.  John  Wallis,  one  of  its 
founders,  and  with  the  hope  that  his  connection  with 
the  New  World  would  enable  him  to  advance  its 
objects. 

From  an  incident  which  now  occurred  to  Penn 
we  gather  a  very  lively  image  of  "  the  form  and 
pressure  "  of  the  age,  and  of  the  strange  conflicts 
and  measures  of  a  government,  which,  while  it  re- 
moved all  its  penalties  from  wicked  actions,  laid 
them  heavily  upon  scrupulous  consciences.  While 
immersed  in  his  many  cares,  and  making  arrange- 
ments to  embark  for  his  possessions,  this  distin- 
guished man,  who,  by  court  influence  and  personal 
worth,  had  been  invested  with  the  delegated  sover- 
eignty of  a  territory,  which  might  be  compared  for 
size  with  England,  very  narrowly  escaped  being  ap- 
prehended on  a  visit  to  a  Quaker  meeting  in  London. 
The  force  of  his  own  words,  when  preaching,  over- 
awed the  constable,  who  had  a  warrant  to  arrest  him 
and  commit  him  to  prison. 

The  death  of  his  mother,  at  this  time,  was  a  severe 
affliction  to  Penn.  She  was  worthy  of  his  esteem, 
and  had  tenderly  confirmed  her  claims  to  it  by  her 
constant  kindness  when  his  father  was  alienated 
from  him.  He  felt  her  loss  most  deeply;  it  caused 
him  a  temporary  illness  and  confinement. 

The  constitution  of  Pennsylvania,  or  frame  of 
government,  the  sketch  of  which  he  had  offered  to 
the  Society  of  Traders,  was  now  published,  as 
amended,  consisting  of  a  preface,  twenty-four 


88  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

articles,  and  forty  laws.  He  introduces  it  with  a 
very  clear  and  admirable  statement  of  the  positive 
necessity  of  government,  its  authority,  design,  and 
good  ends,  with  its  means;  its  object  being  not  only 
to  resist  evil,  but  to  advance  many  excellent  con- 
cerns. As  to  particular  frames  and  models,  he  is 
brief,  for  he  would  rather  be  cautious  than  inventive. 
Many  tyros  were  then  speculating  upon  government, 
and  offering  Utopian  schemes.  No  frame,  he  says, 
can  or  ought  to  be  unalterable  on  emergencies ;  each 
must  be  adapted  to  the  peculiarities  of  place  and 
people ;  the  worst  planned,  in  good  hands,  may  effect 
good;  the  best,  in  ill  hands,  will  do  nothing  good. 
"  Any  government  is  free  to  the  people  under  it 
when  the  laws  rule,  and  the  people  are  a  party  to 
those  laws."  Governments  rather  depend  upon  men, 
than  men  upon  governments. 

In  drawing  up  his  constitution,  Penn  had  the  ad- 
vice of  Sir  William  Jones,  and  of  Colonel  Henry 
Sydney,  brother  of  Algernon  Sydney.  The  govern- 
ment was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor  and 
freemen,  constituting  a  Provincial  Council  and  a 
General  Assembly,  to  be  chosen  by  the  freemen. 
The  Governor,  or  his  deputy,  was  to  be  president  of 
the  Council,  with  a  treble  vote.  The  Council  was 
to  consist  of  twenty-two  members,  with  a  successive 
renewal  of  a-third  of  the  number  annually.  The 
proposing  and  execution  of  the  laws  rested  with  the 
Council.  The  General  Assembly,  with  no  other 
power  than  that  of  approving  or  rejecting  a  measure, 
was  to  consist,  at  first,  of  all  the  freemen;  the  next 
year  of  two  hundred,  with  a  provision  for  its  in- 


WILLIAM    PENN  89 

crease.  Elections  were  to  be  by  ballot.  The  con- 
stitution was  not  to  be  altered  without  consent  of  the 
Governor,  and  six-sevenths  of  the  freemen  in  both 
branches.  The  forty  laws  were  simple  in  form,  com- 
prehensive, wise,  and  just. 

With  a  caution,  which  the  experience  of  former 
purchasers  rendered  essential,  Penn  obtained  of  the 
Duke  of  York  a  release  of  all  his  claims  within  the 
patent.  His  Royal  Highness  executed  a  quit-claim 
to  William  Penn  and  his  heirs,  on  the  2ist  of  Au- 
gust. 1682.  The  Duke  had  executed,  in  March,  a 
ratification  of  his  two  former  grants  of  East  Jersey. 
But  a  certain  fatality  seemed  to  attend  upon  these 
transfers  of  ducal  possessions.  After  various  con- 
flicts and  controversies  long  continued,  we  may  add, 
though  by  anticipation,  that  the  proprietaryship  of 
both  the  Jerseys  was  abandoned,  and  they  were  sur- 
rendered to  the  crown  under  Queen  Anne,  in  April, 
1702. 

Penn  also  obtained  of  the  Duke  of  York  another 
tract  of  land  adjoining  his  patent.  This  region,  af- 
terwards called  the  Territories,  and  the  three  Lower 
Counties,  now  Delaware,  had  been  successively  held 
by  the  Swedes  and  Dutch,  and  by  the  English  at 
New  York.  The  Duke  confirmed  it  to  William 
Penn,  by  two  deeds,  dated  August  24th,  1682. 

The  last  care  on  the  mind  of  William  Penn,  be- 
fore his  embarkation,  was  to  prepare  proper  counsel 
and  instructions  for  his  wife  and  children.  This  he 
did  in  the  form  of  a  letter  written  at  Worming- 
hurst,  August  4th,  1682.  He  knew  not  that  he 
should  ever  see  them  again,  and  his  heart  poured 


90  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

forth  to  them  the  most  touching  utterances  of  affec- 
tion. But  it  was  not  the  heart  alone  which  indited 
the  epistle.  It  expressed  the  wisest  counsels  of 
prudence  and  discretion.  All  the  important  letters 
written  by  Penn  contain  a  singular  union  of  spiritual 
and  worldly  wisdom.  Indeed,  he  thought  these  two 
ingredients  to  be  but  one  element.  He  urged  econ- 
omy, filial  love,  purity,  and  industry,  as  well  as  piety, 
upon  his  children.  He  favored,  though  he  did  not 
insist  upon  their  receiving  his  religious  views.  We 
may  express  a  passing  regret,  that  he  who  could  give 
such  advice  to  his  children  should  not  have  had  the 
joy  to  leave  behind  him  any  one  who  could  meet  the 
not  inordinate  wish  of  his  heart. 

In  the  meanwhile,  his  deputy,  Markham,  acting 
by  his  instructions,  was  providing  him  a  new  home, 
by  purchasing  for  him,  of  the  Indians,  a  piece  of 
land,  the  deed  of  which  is  dated  July  I5th,  and  en- 
dorsed with  a  confirmation,  August  ist,  and  by  com- 
mencing upon  it  the  erection,  which  was  afterwards 
known  as  Pennsbury  Manor. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Penn  embarks  for  his  Province. — Passage,  Arrival,  Landing 
Day,  at  New  Castle. — Visits  New  York,  Long  Island,  and 
the  Jerseys. — Holds  Assembly  at  Chester. — Legislation. — 
Unites  the  Territories. — Conference  with  Lord  Baltimore. — 
Early  Incidents. — Penn's  Treaty  with  the  Indians. — The 
Treaty  Tree,  Pennsbury. — Philadelphia. — Survey  and  Divi- 
sion of  the  Province  and  Territories. — The  Assembly  Con- 
vened.— New  Frame  of  Government. — Judicial  Proceedings. 
— Witchcraft. — Education. — Interest  in  the  Indians. — Penn's 
Letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders. — Difficulties  with  Lord 
Baltimore. — Penn  resolves  to  return  to  England. — Prepara- 
tions.— Assembly. — Prosperity  of  the  Province. 

ALL  his  arrangements  being  completed,  William 
Penn,  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight,  well,  strong,  and 
hopeful  of  the  best  results,  embarked  for  his  colony, 
on  board  the  ship  Welcome,  of  three  hundred  tons, 
Robert  Greenaway  master,  on  the  last  of  August, 
1682.  While  in  the  Downs,  he  wrote  a  Farewell 
Letter  to  Friends,  the  Unfaithful  and  Inquiring  in 
his  native  land,*  dated  August  3Oth,  and  probably 
many  private  letters.  He  had  about  one  hundred 
fellow-passengers,  mostly  Friends  from  his  own 
neighborhood  in  Sussex.  The  vessel  sailed  about 
the  ist  of  September,  and  almost  immediately  the 
smallpox,  that  desolating  scourge  of  the  passenger 

*  This  is  not  given  in  the  folio  edition  of  Penn's  Works. 
91 


92  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ships  of  those  days,  appeared  among  the  passengers, 
and  thirty  fell  victims  to  it.  The  trials  of  that  voy- 
age, told  to  illustrate  the  Christian  spirit  which  sub- 
missively encountered  them,  were  long  repeated 
from  father  to  son,  and  from  mother  to  daughter. 

In  about  six  weeks  the  ship  entered  the  Delaware 
River.  The  old  inhabitants  along  the  shores,  which 
had  been  settled  by  the  whites  for  about  half  a  cen- 
tury, received  Penn  with  equal  respect  and  joy.  He 
arrived  at  New  Castle,  on  the  27th  of  October.  The 
day  was  not  commemorated  by  annual  observances, 
until  the  year  1824,  when  a  meeting  for  that  pur- 
pose was  held  at  an  inn,  in  Lsetitia  Court,*  where 
Penn  had  resided.  While  the  ship  and  its  company 
went  up  the  river,  the  proprietor,  on  the  next  day, 
called  the  inhabitants,  who  were  principally  Dutch 
and  Swedes,  to  the  Court-House,  where,  after  ad- 
dressing them,  he  assumed  and  received  the  formal 
possession  of  the  country.  He  renewed  the  com- 
missions of  the  old  magistrates,  who  urged  him  to 
unite  the  Territories  to  his  government. 

After  a  visit  of  ceremony  to  the  authorities  at 
New  York  and  Long  Island,  with  a  passing  token  to 
his  friends  in  New  Jersey,  Penn  went  to  Upland  to 
hold  the  first  Assembly,  which  opened  on  the  4th  of 
December.  Nicholas  Moore,  an  English  lawyer, 
and  President  of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  was 
made  speaker.  After  three  days'  peaceful  debate, 
the  Assembly  ratified,  \vith  modifications,  the  laws 
made  in  England,  with  about  a  score  of  new  ones,  of 
a  local,  moral,  or  religious  character,  in  which  not 

*  Watson's  "  Annals  of  Philadelphia,"  Vol.  I.  p.  15, 


WILLIAM    PENN  93 

only  the  drinking  of  healths,  but  the  talking  of  scan- 
dal, was  forbidden.  By  suggestion  of  his  friend  and 
fellow-voyager  Pearson,  who  came  from  Chester  in 
England,  Penn  substituted  that  name  for  Upland. 
By  an  Act  of  Union,  passed  on  the  7th  of  December, 
the  three  Lower  Counties,  or  the  Territories,  were 
joined  in  the  government,  and  the  foreigners  were 
naturalized  at  their  own  request. 

On  his  arrival,  Penn  had  sent  two  messengers  to 
Charles  Calvert,  Lord  Baltimore,  to  propose  a  meet- 
ing and  conference  with  him  about  their  boundaries. 
On  the  i Qth  of  December,*  they  met  at  West  River 
with  courtesy  and  kindness ;  but,  after  three  days, 
they  concluded  to  wait  for  the  more  propitious 
weather  of  the  coming  year.  Penn,  on  his  way 
back,  attended  a  religious  meeting  at  a  private  house, 
and  afterwards  an  official  meeting  at  Choptank,  on 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  reached 
Chester  again  by  the  29th  of  December,  where  much 
business  engaged  him.  About  twenty-three  ships 
had  arrived  by  the  close  of  the  year;  none  of  them 
met  with  disaster,  and  all  had  fair  passages.  The 
newcomers  found  a  comparatively  easy  sustenance. 
Provisions  were  obtained  at  a  cheap  rate  of  the  In- 
dians, and  of  the  older  settlers.  But  great  hard- 
ships were  endured  by  some,  and  special  providences 
are  commemorated.  Many  found  their  first  shelter 
in  caves  scooped  out  in  the  steep  bank  of  the  river. 
When  these  caves  were  deserted  by  their  first  occu- 
pants, the  poor  or  the  vicious  made  them  a  refuge ; 
and  one  of  the  earliest  signs  both  of  prosperity  and 

*  Perm's  Letter  to  the  Lords'  Committee  of  Plantations. 


94  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

of-  corruption  in  the  colony  is  disclosed  in  the  men- 
tion that  these  rude  coverts  of  the  first  devoted  emi- 
grants soon  became  tippling-houses  and  nuisances, 
in  the  misuse  of  the  depraved. 

There  has  been  much  discussion,  of  late  years, 
concerning  the  far-famed  treaty  of  Penn  with  the 
Indians.  A  circumstance,  which  has  all  the  interest 
both  of  fact  and  of  poetry,  was  confirmed  by  such 
unbroken  testimony  of  tradition  that  history  seemed 
to  have  innumerable  records  of  it  in  the  hearts  and 
memories  of  each  generation.  But  as  there  appears 
no  document  or  parchment  of  such  criteria  as  to 
satisfy  all  inquirers,  historical  scepticism  has  ven- 
tured upon  the  absurd  length  of  calling  in  question 
the  fact  of  the  treaty.  The  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  commendable  zeal,  has  bestowed 
much  labor  upon  the  questions  connected  with  the 
treaty ;  and  the  results  which  have  been  attained  can 
scarcely  fail  to  satisfy  a  candid  inquirer.  All  claim 
to  a  peculiar  distinction  for  William  Penn,  on  ac- 
count of  the  singularity  of  his  just  proceedings  in 
this  matter,  is  candidly  waived,  because  the  Swedes, 
the  Dutch,  and  the  English,  had  previously  dealt 
thus  justly  with  the  natives.  It  is  in  comparison 
with  Pizarro  and  Cortes,  that  the  colonists  of  all 
other  nations  in  America  appear  to  an  advantage; 
but  the  fame  of  William  Penn  stands,  and  ever  will 
stand,  preeminent  for  unexceptionable  justice  and 
peace  in  his  relations  with  the  natives. 

Penn  had  several  meetings  for  conference  and 
treaties  with  the  Indians,  besides  those  which  he  held 
for  the  purchase  of  lands.  But  unbroken  and  rever- 


WILLIAM    PENN  95 

ently  cherished  tradition,  beyond  all  possibility  of 
contradiction,  has  designated  one  Great  Treaty,  held 
under  a  large  Elm  Tree,  at  Shackamaxon,  now  Ken- 
sington, a  treaty  which  Voltaire  *  justly  character- 
izes as  "  never  sworn  to,  and  never  broken."  In 
Penn's  Letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  f  dated 
August  1 6th,  1683,  he  refers  to  his  conferences  with 
the  Indians.  Two  deeds,  conveying  land  to  him, 
are  on  record,  both  of  which  bear  an  earlier  date 
than  this  letter,  namely,  June  23d,  and  July  I4th,  of 
the  same  year.i  He  had  designed  to  make  a  pur- 
chase in  May;  but  having  been  called  off  to  a  con- 
ference with  Lord  Baltimore,  he  postponed  the  busi- 
ness till  June.  The  Great  Treaty  was  doubtless  un- 
connected with  the  purchase  of  land,  and  was  simply 
a  treaty  of  amity  and  friendship,  in  confirmation  of 
one  previously  held,  by  Penn's  direction,  by  Mark- 
ham,  on  the  same  spot ;  that  being  a  place  which  the 
Indians  were  wont  to  use  for  this  purpose.  It  is 
probable  that  the  treaty  was  held  on  the  last  of  No- 
vember, 1682;  that  the  Delawares,  the  Mingoes, 
and  other  Susquehanna  tribes,  formed  a  large  as- 
sembly on  the  occasion ;  that  written  minutes  of  the 
conference  were  made,  and  were  in  possession  of 
Governor  Gordon,  who  states  nine  conditions  as  be- 
longing to  them  in  1728,  but  are  now  lost,  and  that 
the  substance  of  the  treaty  is  given  in  Penn's  Letter 

*  Dictionnaire  Philosophique,  word  Quaker. 

t  Proud  and  Clarkson. 

$  Smith's  "Lands,"  II.  p.  no.  Penn,  in  his  Letter  to  the 
Lords'  Committee  of  Plantations,  says  that  the  Bishop  of 
London  had  counselled  him  to  buy,  and  not  to  take  away,  the 
natives'  land. 


96  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

to  the  Free  Traders.  These  results  are  satisfactory, 
and  are  sufficiently  corroborated  by  known  facts  and 
documents.  The  Great  Treaty,  being  distinct  from 
a  land  purchase,  is  significantly  distinguished  in  his- 
tory and  tradition.* 

The  inventions  of  romance  and  imagination  could 
scarcely  gather  around  this  engaging  incident  at- 
tractions surpassing  its  own  simple  and  impressive 
interest.  Doubtless  Clarkson  has  given  a  fair  rep- 
resentation of  it,  if  we  merely  disconnect  from  his 
account  the  statement  that  the  Indians  were  armed, 
and  all  that  confounds  the  treaty  of  friendship  with 
the  purchase  of  lands.  Penn  wore  a  sky  blue  sash  of 
silk  around  his  waist,  as  the  most  simple  badge. 
The  pledges  there  given  were  to  hold  their  sanctity 
"  while  the  creeks  and  rivers  run,  and  while  the  sun, 
moon,  and  stars  endure." 

Whilst  the  whites  preserved  in  written  records  the 
memory  of  such  covenants,  the  Indians  had  their 
methods  for  perpetuating  in  safe  channels  their  own 
relations.  They  cherished  in  grateful  regard,  they 
repeated  to  their  children  and  to  the  whites,  the 
terms  of  the  Great  Treaty.  The  Delawares  called 
William  Penn  Miquon,  in  their  own  language, 
though  they  seem  to  have  adopted  the  name  given 
him  by  the  Iroquois,  Onas;  both  which  terms  signify 

*  "  A  Memoir  on  the  History  of  the  celebrated  Treaty  made 
by  William  Penn  with  the  Indians,  under  the  Elm  Tree  at 
Shackamaxon,  in  the  Year  1682.  By  Peter  S.  Du  Ponceau  and 
J.  Francis  Fisher."  "  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  III.  Ft.  II.  pp.  141-203.  This  is  a  model 
for  all  like  efforts  to  clear  the  perplexities  of  history  and 
tradition. 


WILLIAM    PENN  97 

a  quill,  or  pen.  Benjamin  West's  picture  of  the 
treaty  is  too  imaginative  for  an  historical  piece.  He 
makes  Penn  of  a  figure  and  aspect  which  would  be- 
come twice  the  years  that  had  passed  over  his  head. 
The  elm  tree  was  spared  in  the  War  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,  when  there  was  distress  for  fire- 
wood, the  British  officer,  General  Simcoe,  having 
placed  a  sentinel  beneath  it  for  protection.  It  was 
prostrated  by  the  wind  on  the  night  of  Saturday, 
March  3d,  1810.  It  was  of  gigantic  size,  and  the 
circles  around  its  heart  indicated  an  age  of  nearly 
three  centuries.  A  piece  of  it  was  sent  to  the  Penn 
mansion  at  Stoke  Pogis,  in  England,  where  it  is 
properly  commemorated.  A  marble  monument, 
with  suitable  inscriptions,  was  "  placed  by  the  Penn 
Society,  A.  D.  1827,  to  mark  the  site  of  the  Great 
Elm  Tree."  Long  may  it  stand! 

Penn  then  made  a  visit  to  his  manor  of  Penns- 
bury,  up  the  Delaware.  Under  Markham's  care, 
the  grounds  had  been  arranged,  and  a  stately  edifice 
of  brick  was  in  process  of  completion.  The  place 
had  many  natural  beauties,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
arranged  and  decorated  in  consistency  both  with  the 
office  and  the  simple  manners  of  the  proprietor. 
There  was  a  hall  of  audience  for  Indian  embassies 
within,  and  luxurious  gardens  without.  Hospital- 
ity had  here  a  wide  range,  and  Penn  evidently  de- 
signed it  for  a  permanent  abode.*. 

With  the  help  of  his  surveyor^  Thomas  Holme,  he 

*  The  mansion  fell  into  decay  at  an  early  period,  on  account 
of  the  leakage  of  a  large  reservoir  on  the  rooi  designed  as  a 
security  against  fire. 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  —  7 


98  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

laid  out  the  plan  of  his  now  beautiful  city,  and  gave 
it  its  name  of  Christian  signification,  that  brotherly 
love  might  pervade  its  dwellings.  He  purchased 
the  land  where  the  city  stands  of  the  Swedes,  who 
already  occupied  it,  and  who  had  purchased  it  of  the 
Indians,  though  it  would  seem  that  a  subsequent  pur- 
chase was  made  of  the  natives  of  the  same  site  with 
adjacent  territory  some  time  afterwards,  by  Thomas 
Holme,  acting  as  President  of  the  Council,  while 
Penn  was  in  England.*  The  Schuylkill  and  the 
Delaware  Rivers  gave  to  the  site  eminent  attrac- 
tions. The  plan  was  very  simple,  the  streets  run- 
ning east  and  west  being  designated  by  numbers, 
those  running  north  and  south  by  the  names  of  trees. 
Provision  was  made  for  large  squares  to  be  left  open, 
and  for  common  water  privileges.  The  building 
was  commenced  at  once,  and  carried  on  with  great 
zeal.f 

The  survey  was  then  extended  over  the  country 
at  large.  The  province  and  the  territories  were 
each  divided  into  three  counties,  those  of  the  prov- 
ince being  named  Philadelphia,  Bucks,  and  Chester, 
those  of  the  territories,  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sus- 
sex. Divisions  of  townships  and  lots  were  then 
made;  and  with  that  consideration  which  Penn  al- 

*  See  a  copy  of  the  deed  found  at  Harrisburg,  bearing  date 
July  30th,  1685.  in  "  Memoirs  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society,  '  Vol.  III.  Pt.  II.  p.  132. 

f  A  description  of  the  plan  of  Penn's  new  town  is  found  in 
a  place  where  it  would  scarcely  have  been  looked  for,  namely, 
in  Dean  Prideaux's  "  Connection  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment History,"  Vol.  I.  p.  234,  note.  He  compares  the  plan  to 
that  of  ancient  Babylon,  though  not  intending  to  carry  the 
parallel  further. 


WILLIAM    PENN  99 

ways  exhibited,  he  reserved  a  thousand  acres  for 
George  Fox  and  his  heirs.  From  letters  written  by 
him  about  this  time,  it  appears  that  the  Governor  was 
equally  happy  and  busy.  He  enjoyed  fine  health, 
and  found  a  pure  delight  in  the  invigorating  labors 
of  his  hopeful  and  generous  task. 

The  proper  time  having  arrived,  Penn  issued  his 
writs  for  the  convening  of  the  Assembly,  to  be  held 
in  the  Friends'  Meeting-house,  in  Philadelphia,  on 
the  loth  of  March,  1683.  The  people  being  busy, 
and  no  great  political  anxiety  resting  upon  their 
minds,  the  required  number  of  delegates  did  not  ap- 
pear; only  eighteen  members  for  the  Council  and 
fifty-four  for  the  Assembly  were  present.*  The 
Governor  was  informed  of  the  reasons  of  this,  and 
also  that  the  number  was  thought  sufficient  in  au- 
thority to  answer  all  ends.  But  lest  the  failure  to 
comply  with  the  requisitions  of  the  constitution,  or 
charter,  should  deprive  them  of  any  of  their  rights, 
the  members  requested  that  it  might  be  amended. 
By  Penn's  permission,  a  committee  of  each  branch 
was  chosen  to  draw  up  a  new  constitution,  which 
was  approved,  signed,  and  sealed  by  him,  on  the  2d 
of  April,  1683.  By  the  new  instrument,  it  was  pro- 
vided, that  three  members  from  each  county,  eight- 
een in  all,  should  compose  the  Council,  and  that 
twice  that  number,  though  admitting  of  increase, 

*  By  the  suggestion  and  memorial  of  the  Philosophical  and 
Historical  Societies,  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  published,  in 
two  volumes,  8vo.  in  1838,  the  "  Minutes  of  the  Provincial 
Council  of  Pennsylvania,  from  the  Organization  to  the  Ter- 
mination of  the  Proprietary  Government."  These  volumes 
contain  also  the  original  charter,  the  conditions  or  concessions, 
and  the  three  frames  of  government. 


IOO  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

should  form  the  Assembly.  The  Council  still  re- 
tained its  privilege  of  proposing  and  originating 
bills.*  The  treble  vote  allowed  to  the  Governor  in 
the  first  constitution  does  not  appear  in  this,  though 
the  Minutes  read  as  follows :  "  Consideration  aris- 
ing whether  the  Governor's  three  voices  should  stand 
in  Provincial  Council  as  by  the  old  charter,  the  ques- 
tion was  put,  all  ye  that  are  willing  that  the  last 
proposition  should  stand  so  as  it  is,  say,  Yea.  The 
question  being  put  twice,  was  carried  in  the  affirma- 
tive." f  After  attending  to  many  matters  of  inter- 
est in  the  colony,  too  trivial  to  bear  repetition  now, 
providing  a  seal  for  each  county,  and  committing  all 
due  power  to  the  Council,  the  Assembly  was  ad- 
journed by  Penn  on  the  3d  of  April. 

Judicial  proceedings  were  also  instituted  in 
March ;  a  grand  and  petit  jury  having  been  formed. 
Penn  and  the  Council  sat  as  a  court.  Charles  Pick- 
ering and  Samuel  Buckley,  the  first  offenders,  were 
found  guilty  of  coining  and  passing  base  money. 
On  the  26th  of  October,  1683,  the  former  was  sen- 
tenced to  redeem  all  such  coin  as  should  be  called  in 
for  a  month,  and  to  pay  forty  pounds  towards  the 
erection  of  a  court-house,  and  the  latter  to  pay  ten 
pounds  for  the  same  purpose.!  At  this  time,  when 
the  witchcraft  delusion  was  universal,  we  read  with 
interest  a  case  which  came  before  the  judicious  and 
benevolent  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  On  the  27th 
of  February,  1684,  Margaret,  the  wife  of  Neels 

*  "  The  Frame  of  the  Government,"  Article  5th. 

f  "  Minutes  of  the  Provincial  Council,"  &c.  Vol.  I.  p.  16. 

t"  Minutes,"  &c.  Vol.  I.  p.  33. 


WILLIAM    PENN  IOI 

Matson,  was  tried  on  the  charges  usually  adduced 
against  witches  of  more  advanced  years.  She  de- 
nied all  the  evidence  alleged.  The  jury,  having 
been  charged  by  the  Governor,  "  went  forth,  and, 
upon  their  return,  brought  her  in  guilty  of  having 
the  common  fame  of  a  witch,  but  not  guilty  in  man- 
ner and  form  as  she  stands  indicted."*  Recog- 
nizances of  a  hundred  pounds  were  required  for  her 
good  behavior  for  six  months. 

Penn  took  early  care  for  the  interests  of  educa- 
tion; for  we  find  that,  in  December,  1683,  Enoch 
Flower,  of  Philadelphia,  who  had  been  twenty  years 
a  schoolmaster  in  England,  was  employed  in  the 
same  work  at  reasonable  charges,  r 

The  Governor  was  occupied  at  the  council  board 
with  the  affairs  of  the  colony  and  of  individuals; 
but  he  improved  every  interval  of  adjournment  to 
acquaint  himself  with  public  and  local  interests,  es- 
pecially with  the  territory  and  the  Indians.  He  un- 
dertook a  general  tour  of  exploration  to  learn  the 
products  and  capacities  of  the  country,  and  the 
habits  of  the  natives,  using  all  lawful  endeavors  to 
win  their  confidence.  The  results  attained  by  his 
inquiries  are  given  in  the  before  mentioned  letter  to 
the  committee  of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders  in 
London,  dated  in  Pennsylvania,  August  i6th,  1683.$ 

*  "  Minutes,"  &c.  Vol.  I.  p.  41. 

t  Ibid.  p.  36. 

t  Penn  also  wrote  a  letter  to  the  King,  dated  Philadelphia, 
August  I3th,  1683,  and  one  to  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  dated 
July  28th,  1683 ;  sending  with  each  some  presents  of  the  coun- 
try produce.  The  latter  is  rilled  with  interesting  particulars. 
Markham  was  the  bearer.  See  "  M&moirs  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  II.  Pt.  I.  p.  241-247. 

Still   another  letter  of  his,   addressed  to   the  Lord-Keeper 


102  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

It  appears  from  this  letter  that  he  had  learned  from 
England  reports  that  he  had  died,  and  died  a  Jesuit 
too.  After  denying  both  these  reports,  he  proceeds 
to  relate  his  kind  reception  in  his  province,  and  his 
entire  satisfaction  with  it,  to  describe  its  climate, 
advantages,  productions,  and  progress.  His  fond 
interest  in  the  savages,  whom  he  regards  as  the 
descendants  of  the  ten  tribes,  appears  in  the  admi- 
ration which  he  expresses  for  their  language,  the 
pains  which  he  had  taken  to  learn  it,  and  the  en- 
thusiasm with  which  his  heart  was  enlisted  in  their 
improvement. 

During  this  his  first  visit  to  America,  he  made 
leagues  with  nineteen  tribes  or  settlements  of  In- 
dians, some  of  whom  were  within  his  domains,  some 
bordering  upon  them.  The  frequent  references, 
which  Indian  chiefs  have  made,  almost  down  to  our 
own  day,  to  the  guileless  and  benevolent  Onas,  show 
how  deep  within  the  hearts  of  his  savage  contem- 
poraries he  impressed  the  sense  of  his  virtues,  and 
how  sacred  a  tradition  they  intrusted  to  their  chil- 
dren. We  learn  enough  to  satisfy  us  that  the  same 
righteous  policy,  which  he  pursued,  might  have  com- 
passed the  Continent  and  all  its  inhabitants.  A  law 
had  been  passed  forbidding  the  whites  in  Pennsyl- 
vania to  sell  spirituous  liquors  to  the  Indians.  The 
latter  wished  for  liberty  to  purchase,  though  they 
abused,  strong  waters.  They  applied  to  Penn  to 
remove  the  restriction.  The  Council  having  given 

North,  dated  July  24th,  and  of  much  the  same  tenor  as  that  to 
Sunderland,  accompanied  by  presents,  and  borne  by  Markham, 
is  in  "Memoirs,"  &c.,  Vol.  I.  Pt.  II.  p.  411. 


WILLIAM    PENN  IO3 

him  power  to  act,  he  called  some  of  the  Indians  to 
him,  and  offered  to  withdraw  the  prohibition  to  sell 
liquors  to  them,  if  they,  on  their  part,  would  consent 
to  receive  the  punishments  inflicted  on  the  whites  for 
drunkenness.  The  Indians  acceded  to  the  terms. 

The  difficulty  with  Lord  Baltimore,  about  the 
boundary,  was  a  matter  of  vexation  and  expense  to 
William  Penn.  They  met  in  May,  1683,  ten  miles 
from  New  Castle;  and,  as  both  claimed  the  same 
tract  south  of  the  fortieth  degree,  and  grounded  the 
claim  upon  royal  patents,  they  could  not  decide  their 
dispute.  It  was  an  unsatisfactory  meeting,  and 
Penn  does  not  scruple  to  impugn  the  fairness  of  his 
noble  antagonist.  Penn  wrote  to  the  Lords  Com- 
missioners of  Plantations  to  state  his  case,*  on  the 
1 4th  of  August,  1683,  Lord  Baltimore  having  pre- 
viously done  the  same.  The  latter  sent  his  agent, 
Colonel  Talbot,  with  a  letter  to  Penn,  which  Penn 
answered ;  and  while  he  was  on  a  visit  to  New  York, 
in  September,  1683,  Lord  Baltimore  had  proposed 
to  make  a  forcible  entrance  upon  the  lower  counties. 
Hearing  of  this,  on  his  return,  Penn  protested,  by  a 
letter  written  on  the  4th  of  October,  and  called  his 
Council  together.  An  agent  was  then  sent  to  Lord 
Baltimore,  with  a  copy  of  Penn's  former  letter,  to 
be  put  into  his  own  hands.  Colonel  Talbot  still  in- 
sisting upon  forcing  possession,  the  Pennsylvania 

*  Proud,  Vol.  I.  p.  267.  Penn  also  wrote,  on  the  2d  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1684,  to  the  Earl  of  Rochester,  and  on  the  9th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1684,  to  the  Marquis  of  Halifax,  some  particulars  of  his 
controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore.  The  letters  are  in  the 
"  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I.  Pt. 
II.  p.  414-422. 


104  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

government  issued  a  declaration  of  their  rights.  It 
was  evident  that  the  dispute  must  be  referred  directly 
to  the  monarch,  and  settled,  if  settled  at  all,  by  him. 
Penn  therefore  resolved  to  return  to  England.  An- 
other consideration,  which  moved  him  to  this  step, 
whether  of  greater  or  less  importance  in  his  own 
mind,  was  a  feeling  of  obligation  to  interpose  in  be- 
half of  his  fellow-Quakers,  who  were  then  suffering 
the  heaviest  inflictions  of  persecution  in  the  courts 
and  prisons  of  England.  He  knew  he  could  do 
more  for  their  relief,  than  any  other  fellow-subject. 
He  wished  also  to  meet  and  answer  the  calumnies 
of  his  enemies. 

Penn  visited  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  and  had 
many  preparations  to  make  before  he  could  embark. 
The  General  Assembly  met  at  New  Castle,  on  the 
loth  of  May,  1684,  and  despatched  some  business. 
Besides  taking  his  part  in  this,  he  preached  at  va- 
rious meetings  for  worship,  he  settled  religious  dis- 
cipline among  Friends  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  Jer- 
seys, he  formed  treaties  and  increased  his  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Indians,  and  quieted  many  local 
disputes  about  lots  and  river  privileges.  He  made 
arrangements  for  the  government  while  he  should  be 
absent,  intrusting  it  to  the  Council,  with  Thomas 
Lloyd,  a  Quaker  minister  from  Wales,  as  president, 
and  he  provided  for  other  matters,  civil  and  judicial. 
He  sat  in  council  at  Sussex,  on  the  I4th  of  August, 
1684,  and  soon  after  embarked  on  board  the  ketch 
Endeavor  for  England.  Before  sailing,  he  wrote  a 
letter  of  farewell  counsels,  affectionate  and  wise,  to 
be  read  at  Friends'  meetings,  of  which  we  learn,  by 


WILLIAM    PENN  10$ 

a  letter  of  his  to  the  wife  of  George  Fox,  that  there 
were,  at  this  time,  eighteen  in  the  province. 

He  had  witnessed  high  prosperity,  and  the  prom- 
ises of  yet  greater  all  around  him,  beneath  the  gentle 
influences  of  his  government.  He  had,  for  the  most 
part,  industrious,  pure,  and  religious  men  and 
women  for  his  helpers.  When  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land, there  were  about  seven  thousand  people  and 
three  hundred  houses  on  his  patent. 


CHAPTER   IX 

Penn  arrives  in  England. — He  intercedes  for  the  Quakers. — 
James  the  Second. — Penn's  Court  Influence. — Calumnies 
against  him. — Intercedes  for  Locke. — Correspondence  with 
Tillotson. — Travels  on  the  Continent. — Interviews  with  the 
Prince  of  Orange. — Burnet. — Penn's  Ministry  in  England. — 
Oxford. — Writings. — Penn's  Vindication. — Letter  to  Pop- 
ple.— The  Revolution. — Penn's  repeated  Arrests,  Examina- 
tions, and  Acquittals. — Seeks  Retirement. — His  Troubles. — 
Deprived  of  his  Government. 

PENN  arrived  in  England  on  the  6th  of  October, 
1684,  finding-  happiness  in  the  health  of  his  family 
and  the  welcome  of  many  friends.  He  went  at  once 
to  the  King  and  the  Duke,  about  his  own  pressing 
concerns,  and  to  intercede  for  his  suffering  fellow- 
believers.  He  was  successful  in  bringing  his  diffi- 
culties with  Lord  Baltimore  to  a  temporary  settle- 
ment, though,  as  the  event  proved,  it  was  only  tem- 
porary, the  decision  of  a  boundary  question  being 
then  beset  with  geographical  as  well  as  personal  ob- 
stacles. The  Committee  of  Plantations,  after  a  full 
hearing  of  the  parties,  divided  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute into  two  parts,  giving  to  Lord  Baltimore  the 
part  upon  the  Chesapeake,  and  allowing  the  remain- 
der to  relapse  to  the  crown,  though  intended  for 
Penn.* 

*  A  Memoir  of  the  whole  controversy  between  Penn  and 
Lord  Baltimore,  and  their  heirs,  is  given  in  "  Memoirs  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I.  .p.  159-196,  by 
James  Dunlop.  • 

1 06 


WILLIAM    PENN  IO/ 

The  long  period,  which  now  elapsed  before  the 
Governor  was  permitted  to  visit  his  colony  again, 
was  one  of  strange  public  agitation ;  and  Penn's  for- 
tunes present  a  fair  representation  of  the  varying 
states  of  the  kingdom  at  large.  Between  the  sum- 
mit of  court  favor  and  repeated  imprisonments  as  a 
suspected  traitor,  he  was  led  through  as  remarkable 
a  train  of  vicissitudes  as  ever  checkered  the  lot  of 
any  public  man  who  escaped  a  scaffold. 

The  brief  limits  of  this  biography  will  not  allow 
of  much  detail,  but  must  embrace  here  a  sketch  of 
Penn's  experience  in  Europe,  reserving  the  affairs 
of  Pennsylvania  for  subsequent  notice. 

Penn  pleaded  successfully  with  the  King  in  behalf 
of  his  persecuted  brethren,  and  he  obtained  the 
promise  of  entire  relief  for  them  at  an  early  period. 
He  met  the  malicious  charges  of  his  enemies,  and 
seemed  to  have  the  prospect  of  a  felicitous  result  in 
his  various  undertakings.  The  death  of  Charles  the 
Second,  on  the  6th  of  February,  1685,  of  which 
Penn  gives  some  curious  particulars,  in  a  letter  to 
Thomas  Lloyd,*  so  far  as  it  affected  his  interests 
at  all,  seemed  to  advance  them.  James  the  Second, 
who  ascended  the  throne,  had  been  the  pupil  of  his 
father,  and  was  his  own  pledged  friend.  Penn  took 
lodgings  at  Kensington,  to  be  near  the  court,  where 
he  was  constant  in  his  attendance.  His  influence 
was  such,  that,  at  times,  two  hundred  persons  are 
said  to  have  been  in  waiting  at  his  gate,  to  ask  his 
intercession  in  their  behalf. 

Until  very  recently,  the  admirers  and  apologists 
*  In  Proud  and  Clarkson. 


108  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

of  William  Penn  have  felt  bound  to  account  for  and 
excuse  his  intimacy  and  influence  with  the  Popish 
James,  as  if  the  bare  fact,  that  the  liberal  Protestant 
dissenter,  the  advocate  of  entire  freedom  of  con- 
science, should  have  admittance  to  the  privacy  and 
counsels  of  a  most  arbitrary  monarch,  was  enough 
to  throw  suspicion  upon  his  integrity.  But  the  full 
light,  which  has  now  been  cast  upon  the  tortuous 
policy  and  the  corrupt  designs  of  that  court,  has 
displayed  the  unstained  sincerity  and  the  singleness 
of  heart  of  William  Penn.  He  knew  that  the  King 
was  a  Roman  Catholic ;  but  he  thought  he  might  be 
taught  liberality,  and  he  used  all  his  influence  to 
plead  for  the  liberty  of  all.  The  charge  against 
Penn.  spoken  in  his  own  ears  by  friends  and  foes, 
and  reiterated  from  the  pages  of  Burnet  and  others 
ever  since,  is,  that  for  the  sake  of  securing  indul- 
gence for  the  Quakers,  he  approved  the  arbitrary 
and  illegal  proceedings  of  the  monarch  in  usurping 
the  power  of  Parliament.  That  monarch  aimed  to 
remove  all  penalties  from  the  Roman  Catholics;  he 
could  gain  his  end  only  by  including  them  under  the 
general  title  of  dissenters,  and  then  extending  over 
them  all  the  large  mantle  of  a  Stuart  prerogative. 
But  most  of  the  Protestant  dissenters  were  as  much 
opposed  to  the  relief  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  as 
were  the  members  of  the  Established  Church  of 
England. 

Hence  arose  the  enmity  against  Penn,  which,  when 
spoken  in  the  form  of  accusations,  condemned  him 
from  some  lips  for  treason  against  the  State,  and 
from  others  for  being  a  Jesuit  in  disguise,  plotting 


WILLIAM    PENN 

with  the  monarch  against  the  Protestant  religion. 
A  calmer  and  wiser  judgment  has  discovered  that 
there  was  room  for  an  honest  man  even  in  those 
times,  and  that  William  Penn  occupied  it  with  a 
calm  courage  and  a  good  conscience.  There  were 
other  reasons  to  explain  his  private  intimacy  with 
the  monarch ;  but  his  worst  enemy  could  detect  no 
instance  in  which  he  used  his  influence  for  corrupt, 
or  even  for  personal,  ends.  Yet  all  the  influence 
which  he  had  with  James,  was,  at  the  time,  to  his 
public  disrepute.  He  was  suspected  by  the  most 
honest,  and  was  openly  calumniated  by  the  mali- 
cious. The  master  mind  of  Sir  James  Mackintosh 
has  unravelled  some  of  the  intricacies  of  that  period, 
has  painted  the  scenes  then  acted,  and  has  studied 
the  motives  and  methods  of  each  mover  in  them. 
That  eminent  moralist  and  statesman  has  awarded  to 
Penn  the  most  honorable  distinctions  of  purity  and 
magnanimity  which  his  fondest  friend  could  ask. 

A  paragraph  from  this  writer  may  be  here  copied 
as  sufficient  to  explain  Penn's  position,  while  it  sub- 
stantiates his  integrity.  After  having  spoken  of 
William  Penn  as  "  a  man  of  such  virtue  as  to  make 
his  testimony  weighty,"  Sir  James  Mackintosh  says, 
'  The  very  occupations  in  which  he  was  engaged 
brought  daily  before  his  mind  the  general  evils  of 
intolerance,  and  the  sufferings  of  his  own  unfortu- 
nate brethren.  Though  well  stored  with  useful  and 
ornamental  knowledge,  he  was  unpracticed  in  the 
wiles  of  courts ;  and  his  education  had  not  trained 
him  to  dread  the  violation  of  principle,  so  much  as 
to  pity  the  infliction  of  suffering.  It  cannot  be 


110  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

doubted  that  he  believed  the  King's  object  to  be 
universal  liberty  in  religion,  and  nothing  further; 
and  as  his  own  sincere  piety  taught  him  to  consider 
religious  liberty  as  unspeakably  the  highest  of 
human  privileges,  he  was  too  just  not  to  be  desirous 
of  bestowing  on  all  other  men  that  which  he  most 
earnestly  sought  for  himself.  One,  who  refused  to 
employ  force  in  the  most  just  defence,  must  have  felt 
a  singular  abhorrence  of  its  exertion  to  prevent  good 
men  from  following  the  dictates  of  their  conscience. 
Such  seem  to  have  been  the  motives,  which  induced 
this  excellent  man  to  lend  himself  to  the  measures 
of  the  King.  Compassion,  friendship,  liberality, 
and  toleration,  led  him  to  support  a  system,  [mean- 
ing the  encroachments  of  the  royal  prerogative,]  the 
success  of  which  would  have  undone  his  country; 
and  he  afforded  a  remarkable  proof,  that  in  the  com- 
plicated combinations  of  political  morality,  a  virtue 
misplaced  may  produce  as  much  immediate  mischief 
as  a  vice."  * 

Penn  first  exercised  his  benevolent  spirit  with  the 
King  by  interceding  for  his  college  companion,  John 
Locke,  who  had  followed  Shaftesbury  in  his  forced 
exile  into  Holland,  after  losing  his  fellowship  in 
Christ  Church,  Oxford.  He  obtained  permission 
for  Locke  to  return ;  but  the  philosopher  would  not 
so  far  admit  his  criminality  as  to  receive  a  pardon. 

Popular  rumor  designated  Penn  as  a  Papist  and  a 
Jesuit.  Some  verses,  condoling  the  late  King's 
death,  and  congratulating  the  accession  of  his 

*  "  Review  of  the  Causes  of  the  Revolution  of  1688."    "  Mis- 
cellaneous Work,"  American  edition,  p.  334. 


WILLIAM    PENN  I  I  I 

brother,  were  circulated  with  the  initials  of  William 
Perm  attached  to  them,  and  were  ascribed  to  him, 
in  connection  with  a  foolish  report  of  his  attending 
mass.  This  led  him,  in  April,  1685,  to  write  from 
Worminghurst,  and  to  publish  a  sheet,  entitled 
"  Fiction  found  out,"  addressed  to  the  members  of 
his  religious  society,  to  rebut  the  idle  charge.  He 
also  had  a  pleasant  and  effective  correspondence 
with  his  friend,  Dr.  Tillotson,  afterwards  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  who,  having  dropped  some 
suspicious  remark  about  Penn's  Popery,  was  kindly 
addressed  by  the  Quaker,  as  one  whom  he  esteemed 
"  the  first  of  his  robe."  He  gave  satisfaction  to 
Dr.  Tillotson,  together  with  sufficient  authority  for 
denying  the  rumor  to  others.  That  eminent  divine, 
after  expressing  his  regret  for  a  temporary  aliena- 
tion, provided  Penn,  in  the  closing  letter,  with  a 
sort  of  affidavit,  which  would  prove  satisfactory  to 
any  reasonable  man,  and  the  friends  renewed  their 
visits.  The  curious  reader  who  may  peruse  the  cor- 
respondence will  observe  that  Penn,  in  the  exercise 
of  a  courtesy  which  he  never  found  to  be  inconsis- 
tent with  his  peculiar  views,  uses  circumlocutions  to 
avoid  the  thee  and  thou  in  addressing  Tillotson. 

Penn  has  been  impugned  for  being  a  spectator  of 
the  execution  of  the  excellent  Mrs.  Gaunt,  who  suf- 
fered for  an  act  of  benevolence  in  harboring  one  of 
Monmouth's  rebels.  His  motives  for  witnessing  a 
scene,  which  he  could  not  prevent,  were  doubtless 
such  as  have  led  many  wise  and  good  men  to  watch 
and  study  such  spectacles. 

Penn  was  at  this  time  concerned  in  a  transaction, 


I  12  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

which,  without  further  knowledge  of  the  particulars, 
we  cannot  but  regard  as  somewhat  discreditable  to 
him.  Some  young  women  of  Taunton  had  pre- 
sented a  stand  of  colors  and  a  Bible  to  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth.  While  some,  who  had  been  directly 
or  indirectly  concerned  in  that  rebellion,  paid  the 
heaviest  penalties,  it  was  found  a  lucrative  business 
to  clear  others  by  fines.  These  Taunton  sympathiz- 
ers were  allowed  such  a  relief,  and  the  maids  of 
honor,  who  were  to  receive  the  money,  were  of 
course  interested  to  swell  the  amount.  Penn  was 
an  agent  between  these  parties,  and  received  instruc- 
tions from  the  maids  of  honor,  "  to  make  the  most 
advantageous  composition  he  could  in  their  behalf.''* 
Doubtless  toleration,  lenity,  and  the  desire  to  save 
life,  interested  Penn  in  an  agency  from  which  he 
reaped  no  personal  advantage. 

In  1686,  he  published  "  A  Further  Account  of 
Pennsylvania,"  extending  his  previous  publication, 
with  the  results  of  his  own  inquiries  and  observa- 
tions. He  resumed  likewise  a  work,  which  he  can 
scarcely  be  said  to  have  ever  discontinued,  namely, 
writing  in  defence  of  religious  liberty.  The  Duke 
of  Buckingham  had  published  a  book  in  support  of 
liberty  of  conscience.  An  anonymous  reviewer  had 
embraced  a  reflection  upon  Penn,  in  an  attack  upon 
this  book,  saying  of  the  Duke,  that  "  the  Penn.syl- 
vanian  had  entered  him  with  his  Ouakeristical  doc- 
trines." This  led  Penn  to  publish  "  A  Defence  of 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham's  Book  from  the  Excep- 

*Lord  Sunderland  to  William  Penn,  i^th  of  February,  1686; 
cellaneous  Works,"  American  edition,  p.  334. 


WILLIAM    PENN  113 

tions  of  a  nameless  Author,"  and,  immediately  after, 
"  A  Persuasive  to  Moderation  to  dissenting  Chris- 
tians, in  Prudence  and  Conscience,  humbly  sub- 
mitted to  the  King  and  his  great  Council."  In  this 
work,  as  in  others  before  it,  Penn,  with  great  learn- 
ing and  with  good  logic,  met  the  objections  to  com- 
plete toleration,  and  illustrated  from  history,  reason, 
and  sound  justice,  its  good  effects  in  ancient  and 
modern  times.  However  much  or  little  influence 
these  treatises  may  have  had  on  the  court,  they  were 
soon  followed  by  a  proclamation  from  the  King  and 
Council  for  the  release  of  those  imprisoned  on  ac- 
count of  religion.  The  chief  desire  of  the  King, 
doubtless,  was  to  relieve  the  Roman  Catholics ;  but 
the  only  method,  and  that  too  an  unlawful  one, 
by  which  he  could  do  this,  eased  all  other  dis- 
senters. Twelve  hundred  Quakers  were  among  the 
large  number,  who  shared  the  benefits  of  this 
proclamation. 

William  Penn,  being  about  to  start  upon  a  con- 
tinental tour  in  the  exercise  of  his  ministry,  was 
commissioned  incidentally,  by  the  King,  to  confer 
with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  at  the  Hague,  and  to  in- 
duce him  to  favor  a  general  toleration  in  England, 
with  a  removal  of  all  religious  tests.  Burnet  was 
there,  at  the  same  time,  using  his  influence  to  retain 
the  tests.  Here  Penn  had  several  interviews  with 
the  Prince  and  Burnet,  but  could  not  succeed,  as  he 
found  his  royal  listener  more  earnest  for  Protestant- 
ism than  for  liberty.  Even  Burnet,  as  his  readers 
well  know,  regarded  Penn  as  a  suspicious  man,  in- 
triguing and  conniving  with  James  solely  for  the 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  —8 


114  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

benefit  of  the  Roman  Catholics.  But  Penn  honestly 
regarded  the  King  as  a  friend  to  entire  liberty  in 
religion ;  and  only  in  that  belief  did  he  act  with  him 
and  for  him.  Penn  used  his  interest  successfully  to 
obtain  a  permission  to  return  to  England  for  the 
exiled  Presbyterians  and  other  fugitives,  Scotch  and 
English,  at  the  Hague,  who  had  opposed  the  illegal 
act  of  indulgence.  He  then  extended  his  tour  over 
Holland  and  Germany,  making  acquaintance  with 
William  Sewell,  the  historian  of  the  Quakers;  and, 
returning  to  England,  he  pursued  the  same  minis- 
terial work  over  the  counties  adjoining  his  own. 

In  April,  1687,  the  King  followed  his  proclama- 
tion by  a  declaration  of  liberty  of  conscience  to  all, 
which  removed  all  tests  and  penalties.  This  decla- 
ration the  monarch  made  on  his  own  responsibility, 
though  he  promised  to  have  it  legalized  by  an  early 
call  of  a  Parliament,  and  also  to  protect  the  legal 
rights  of  the  Church  of  England.  Mackintosh  says 
of  this  bold  act  of  the  monarch,  "  There  is  no  other 
example,  perhaps,  of  so  excellent  an  object  being 
pursued  by  means  so  culpable,  or  for  purposes  in 
which  evil  was  so  much  blended  with  good." 

The  Quakers  rejoiced  in  an  edict,  which  brought 
them  relief  from  the  most  aggravating  burdens  and 
inflictions.  Having  no  principle  which  forbade 
them  to  share  a  blessing  in  common  with  Papists  and 
all  others,  they  drew  up  an  address  to  the  King,  at 
their  yearly  meeting,  which  Penn  presented  with  a 
speech  of  his  own.  The  King,  in  his  answer  pro- 
fessed a  sincere  attachment  to  the  great  principle  of 
religious  toleration.  The  Episcopalians,  and  the 


WILLIAM    PENN  I  I  5 

bodies  of  Protestant  dissenters,  with  few  exceptions, 
were  outraged  at  this  merciful,  though  illegal,  edict 
of  the  monarch,  and  visited  their  indignation  upon 
the  Papists  and  Quakers  alike. 

Penn  then  undertook  another  ministerial  tour  in 
England,  in  the  course  of  which  he  frequently  met 
with  King  James  on  his  progresses,  and  was  flat- 
tered, if  susceptible  to  flattery,  (and  perhaps  he  was 
as  a  man,  though  not  as  a  Quaker,)  by  having  the 
monarch  several  times  as  a  listener  or  worshipper  at 
the  meetings  in  which  he  preached.  Yet,  while  they 
were  thus  meeting  in  their  travels,  Penn  went  to  Ox- 
ford, while  James  was  there,  and,  by  a  plain  letter  to 
the  King,  resisted  his  arbitrary  attempts  to  place 
Parker,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  who  from  an  Indepen- 
dent had  become  a  Roman  Catholic,  over  Magdalen 
College,  and  to  remove  the  fellows  who  negatived 
and  thwarted  this  purpose. 

It  is  not  among  the  least  remarkable  of  the 
changeful  experiences  of  Penn's  life,  that  the  learned 
academicians,  from  whose  society  he  had  been 
ejected  as  a  young  heretic,  did  not  scruple  to  send  a 
committee  to  him  to  implore  his  intercession  with 
the  King  in  their  behalf.  He  had  interviews  and 
correspondence  with  their  delegates,  but  he  could  not 
bend  the  will  of  the  King  in  this  matter;  and  his  dis- 
appointed applicants  joined  in  the  suspicion  that  he 
secretly  justified  and  abetted  the  arbitrary  proceed- 
ings of  the  monarch.  He  certainly  did  give  the 
whole  weight  of  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  King's 
declaration  of  indulgence,  which  wras  almost  uni- 
versally regarded  as  a  covert  attempt  to  promote 


Il6  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Popery.  Thus  the  popular  feeling  against  Penn  be- 
came rancorous.  This  was  further  imbittered  by  a 
publication,  which,  for  the  sake  of  relieving  it  from 
the  prejudice  attached  to  his  name,  he  published 
anonymously,  entitled  "  Good  Advice  to  the  Church 
of  England,  and  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant 
Dissenters ;  in  which  it  is  endeavored  to  be  made  ap- 
pear, that  it  is  their  Duty,  Principle,  and  Interest,  to 
abolish  the  penal  Laws  and  Tests."  This  he  fol- 
lowed by  "  The  Great  and  Popular  Objection  against 
the  Repeal  of  the  Penal  Laws  briefly  stated  and  con- 
sidered." Reason,  arguments,  and  evidence  are  ad- 
duced, and  well  nigh  exhausted  in  these  works,  to 
prove  what  is  now  a  self-evident  proposition,  though 
it  was  then  obscured  by  passion  and  policy,  as  well 
as  by  popular  error  and  mistaken  wisdom. 

The  renewal  of  the  King's  Declaration  of  In- 
dulgence, and  an  order  of  Council  that  it  should  be 
read  in  churches,  though  a  promise  was  given  that 
Parliament  should  speedily  be  called  to  ratify  it,  con- 
centrated the  opposition  from  all  quarters,  and 
brought  it  to  decisive  action.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  with  six  of  the  Bishops,  came  before  the 
King  with  a  protest  in  the  shape  of  a  petition,  and 
were  imprisoned.  Penn  was  even  supposed  to  have 
advised  the  harsh  measure  against  them.  His 
anonymous  authorship  was  known  and  charged  upon 
him,  as  well  as  his  mission  to  the  Hague.  Indeed, 
he  was  identified  with  the  monarch ;  nor  can  we  see 
how  it  could  have  been  otherwise,  for  popular  indig- 
nation ofttimes  has  not  such  distinct  shadows  from 
which  to  construct  substances.  Great  popular 


WILLIAM    PENN  I  17 

clamor  ensued;  the  Episcopalians  and  the  mass  of 
Protestant  dissenters  were  equally  outraged,  and  the 
Papists  meanwhile  freely  spoke  their  hopes. 

William  Popple,  secretary  to  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners of  Trade  and  Plantations,  wrote  a  long  letter 
to  Penn,  who  was  his  intimate  friend,  to  obtain  from 
him  an  explicit  denial  of  the  charges  of  having  been 
educated  at  St.  Omer's,  of  having  received  orders  at 
Rome,  of  officiating  as  priest  at  Whitehall,  in  the 
mass,  with  a  dispensation  allowing  him  to  be  mar- 
ried, and  like  absurd  accusations.  Penn,  in  a  letter 
dated  October  24th,  1688,  answered  Mr.  Popple  at 
length ;  and  in  a  most  admirable  and  gentle  spirit, 
with  beauty  and  force  of  language,  he  gives  all  these 
charges  a  thorough  and  well  proved  denial ;  only  a 
man  with  a  clean  breast  could  have  written  his  reply. 

In  the  next  month,  the  political  aspect  \vas  wholly 
changed.  William  of  Orange  came  to  England,  and 
James  fled  to  France.  The  Revolution  brought  real 
danger  to  Penn,  and  he  would  not  so  far  allow  sus- 
picion as  to  escape  from  it  by  returning  to  his  Ameri- 
can province.  He  was  at  once  called  before  the 
Council,  on  the  loth  of  December,  1688,  and,  after 
protesting  his  innocence  in  all  his  conduct  through 
'the  late  reign,  he  entered  into  bonds  for  his  appear- 
ance at  the  next  term.  He  appeared  again  at  the 
Easter  term,  in  1689,  and,  as  no  person  or  evidence 
confronted  him,  he  was  discharged.  He  rejoiced 
over  the  Toleration  Act,  which  was  now  passed. 
And  who  had  better  reason  to  rejoice?  Who  more 
than  he,  among  the  living  or  the  dead,  then  had  done 
more  to  secure  that  measure,  which  was  not,  even  in 


Il8  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

its  full  meaning,  so  much  as  the  first  syllable  of 
justice? 

For  a  brief  interval  after  his  discharge,  Penn  was 
comparatively  at  liberty  to  go  to  America,  without 
subjecting  himself  to  increased  suspicion.  The  tid- 
ings thence,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  had  not  been  of  the 
most  agreeable  kind  to  the  proprietor ;  but  he  delayed 
going  that  he  might  watch  the  operation  of  an  ex- 
periment which  he  was  trying  there.  Yet  he  was 
doomed  to  defer  his  second  visit  much  longer  than 
he  desired.  A  friendly  letter  to  him  from  the  exiled 
James,  requesting  him  to  come  and  see  him  in 
France,  was  intercepted.  Penn  was  arrested  in  con- 
sequence, and,  being  brought  before  the  Council,  he 
requested  that  he  might  have  a  hearing  in  presence 
of  King  William.  His  request  was  granted.  He 
stood  a  long  examination  protesting  his  entire  inno- 
cence, expressing  his  love  for  James,  though  he  did 
not  approve  his  policy,  and  alleging  that  he  could  not 
prevent  the  exiled  monarch  from  writing  to  him  if 
he  saw  fit.  William,  being  satisfied  of  Penn's  entire 
innocence  of  all  traitorous  designs,  was  willing  to 
release  him  from  all  restraint;  but,  some  of  the 
Council  advising  more  caution,  he  again  gave  bail 
for  his  appearance.  He  then  resumed  his  prepara- 
tions for  America,  and  while  pursuing  them,  the 
time  came  for  him  to  answer  to  his  recognizances. 
No  one  appearing  against  him,  he  was  again  dis- 
charged. 

Wearied  with  five  years  of  painful  and  harassing 
conflict  against  oppression  in  one  or  another  form, 
Penn  would  at  this  timfe  have  gladly  sought  repose  in 


WILLIAM    PENN  1 19 

his  colony;  but  other  trials  awaited  him.  The 
friends  of  James  kept  the  nation,  and  indeed  all 
Christian  Europe,  in  a  ferment.  The  French  fleet  was 
in  the  Channel ;  William  was  in  Ireland.  The  Queen, 
called  on  the  militia,  and  issued  a  proclamation, 
on  the  1 8th  of  July,  1690,  bearing  the  names  of  cer- 
tain alleged  conspirators,  including  Penn.  He  was 
apprehended  and  imprisoned.  At  Michaelmas  term, 
he  was  carried  before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench, 
tried,  and  acquitted.  He  now  determined  to  leave 
England  behind  him,  at  least  till  more  quiet  times. 
It  was  extremely  important,  at  this  juncture,  that  he 
should  be  in  Pennsylvania,  which  was  distracted  by 
misgovernment.  The  vessels  prepared  by  him,  with 
more  passengers,  were  ready  to  sail ;  a  government 
convoy  was  engaged ;  Penn  staid  to  watch  the  dying 
hours  of  George  Fox,  to  write  a  letter  of  Christian 
sympathy  to  the  widow,  and  to  bear  testimony,  in 
public  meeting,  to  the  honored  and  faithful  life  of 
his  friend. 

That  arrant  impostor,  William  Fuller,  who  was 
soon  afterwards  unmasked  and  committed  to  the 
pillory  in  his  true  character,  had  made  oath  against 
Penn  as  a  traitor.  He  was  to  have  been  arrested 
on  the  1 6th  of  January,  1691,  while  at  the  funeral  of 
George  Fox ;  but  the  officers  were  too  late  by  an 
hour.  Not  feeling  bound  to  subject  himself  to  the 
discomfort  and  annoyance  of  a  third  public  prosecu- 
tion on  the  same  false  charge,  nor  to  surrender  him- 
self voluntarily  to  bear  testimony  to  his  innocence, 
as  he  would  have  done  in  anything  that  concerned 
his  religion,  Penn  avoided  public  view,  and  took  a 


120  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

private  and  retired  lodging  in  London.  He  would 
not  flee  from  justice,  neither  would  he  court  another 
arrest.  He  kept  himself  ready  to  be  found  by  those 
who  might  seek  him.  The  vessels  sailed,  bearing 
letters  and  directions  from  him  to  Pennsylvania. 

Another  proclamation,  founded  on  Fuller's  charge, 
was  issued  against  him  in  1691,  as  having  conspired 
with  others  to  bring  over  James  from  France  to  his 
throne.  This  was  the  darkest  period  of  life  to  this 
pure  and  devoted  Christian  man.  All  his  former 
friends,  exalted  and  humble,  with  but  few  exceptions, 
seemed  to  turn  against  him.  Even  the  members  of 
his  religious  Society,  who  had  received  from  him 
services  greater  than  from  any  other  man,  were 
alienated  from  him  and  suspected  him.  He  wrote 
a  gentle  but  earnest  letter  to  their  Yearly  Meeting, 
on  the  3Oth  of  May,  1691,  to  clear  himself  in  their 
eyes.  Locke,  now  in  prosperity  again,  offered  to 
reciprocate  the  favor  which  Penn  had  essayed  to  per- 
form ?or  him  in  obtaining  a  pardon.  It  is  remark- 
able that  Penn,  in  his  own  way,  returned  substantial- 
ly, the  same  answer  which  he  had  received  from 
Locke;  he  would  not  accept  a  pardon  for  that  of 
which  he  was  innocent. 

While  Penn  was  thus  in  forced  retirement,  he  was 
cheered  by  the  visit  of  a  few  faithful  friends,  whose 
confidence  no  popular  clamor  and  no  temporary  dis- 
trust could  weaken.  He  employed  himself  laborious- 
ly with  his  pen,  and,  besides  writing  prefaces  to  the 
works  of  Robert  Barclay,  or.e  of  his  former  asso- 
ciates in  the  management  of  Jersey,  and  of  John 
Burnyeat,  he  likewise  published  a  small  work,  "  Just 


WILLIAM    PENN  121 

Measures,  being  an  Epistle  of  Peace  and  Love  to 
such  Professors  of  Truth,  as  are  under  Dissatisfac- 
tion about  the  Order  practiced  m  the  Church  of 
Christ.''  This  treatise  was  designed  to  restore  har- 
mony in  his  Society,  and  to  vindicate  the  right  and 
liberty  of  its  female  members  to  have  meetings  by 
themselves  for  some  business.  A  periodical,  called 
The  Athenian  Mercury  had  attacked  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Quakers,  and  Penn,  still  in  retirement, 
replied,  in  1692,  in  his  work,  "  The  New  Athenians 
no  noble  Bereans."  To  these  fruits  of  his  more  re- 
tired years  is  to  be  added  yet  another  controversial 
and  explanatory  treatise,  in  answer  to  some  perver- 
sions of  his  views  by  the  Baptists,  entitled  "  A  Key, 
opening  the  Way  to  every  Capacity  how  to  distin- 
guish the  Religion  professed  by  the  People  called 
Quakers  from  the  Perversions  and  Misrepresenta- 
tions of  their  Adversaries ;  with  a  brief  Exhortation 
to  all  Sorts  of  People  to  examine  their  Ways  and 
their  Hearts,  and  turn  speedily  to  the  Lord." 

The  letters  which  he  wrote  at  this  period,  so  far 
as  several  of  them  still  preserved  would  indicate, 
show  how  a  manly  and  Christian  heart  supported 
him  under  his  trials.*  In  two  letters  to  Lord  Rom- 
ney,  and  one  to  Lord  Rochester,  intended  for  the 
King's  eye,  he  asserts  his  entire  innocence  of  deed, 
word,  and  wish,  in  reference  to  all  charges  of  which 
he  was  accused.  There  is  expressed  in  them  a  con- 
scious dignity  of  soul,  which  is  not  only  a  guaranty 

*  Four  letters,  written  by  Penn  at  this  time,  may  be  found  in 
the  "  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"' 
Vol.  IV.  Pt.  I.  pp.  192-200. 


122  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

of  innocence,  but  a  preventive  of  the  use  of  such 
means  of  vindicating  it  as  some  of  less  magnanimity 
would  feel  free  to  employ. 

To  the  unavoidable  anxiety,  which  his  situation 
must  have  occasioned  to  him,  was  now  added  the 
dangerous  illness  of  his  wife,  the  love  of  his  youth, 
and  the  attached  sharer  of  his  religious  views,  and 
of  his  devoted  efforts  for  the  welfare  of  others.  It 
would  seem  that  he  was  separated  from  her,  as  she 
was  then  in  the  country. 

Thus  beset  with  various  and  oppressive  trials,  and 
greatly  embarrassed  in  his  pecuniary  affairs,  and 
while  longing  for  an  honorable  delivery,  that  he 
might  go  to  America,  or  attend  upon  his  wife,  sink- 
ing in  a  decline,  such  representations  of  the  disor- 
dered state  of  the  colony  were  brought  to  England, 
as,  aggravated  by  enemies,  led  to  an  act  of  great 
injustice  toward  Penn.  He  was  deprived  of  his 
government,  without  having  an  opportunity  to  with- 
stand the  measure. 


CHAPTER  X 

Pennsylvania  during  the  Absence  of  the  Proprietor. — Vice  and 
Dissensions. — Penn's  Letters. — Changes  in  the  Government. 
— Deputy-Governor  Blackwell.— Lloyd  and  Markham. — Se- 
dition in  the  Territories. — Religious  Dissensions. — George 
Keith. — Penn's  Troubles. — His  Labors  for  his  Province 
when  deprived  of  it. — Governor  Fletcher  appointed. — He  de- 
mands military  Supplies. — Penn  liberated. — His  Wife  dies. — 
He  is  reinstated. — His  second  Marriage. — His  Son  dies. — 
Ministry. — Embarks  again  for  America. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  Penn's  arrival  in  England 
after  leaving  his  colony  in  1684,  the  information 
which  he  received  from  it  in  private  letters  gave  him 
anxiety.  It  had  indeed  the  elements  of  high  pros- 
perity, and  he  knew  that  men  of  integrity,  devoted 
to  his  interests,  were  there  to  sustain  the  right.  A  col- 
ony of  Germans  had  given  the  name  of  Germantown 
to  a  thriving  settlement,  which  they  had  founded 
near  Philadelphia,  in  1685-6,  and  vessels  continually 
arrived  to  reinforce  the  older  plantations.  But  vice 
already  had  its  agents  and  temptations  among  a  peo- 
ple, who,  generally  speaking,  were  probably  the  most 
sober,  industrious,  and  virtuous  community  ever 
gathered  on  earth.  By  letters,  which  passed  between 
Penn  and  his  correspondents,  it  appears  that  the 
caves  on  the  river's  bank,  \vhich  the  first  settlers  had 
scooped  out  and  defended  with  boughs  for  temporary 
shelter,  had  become  places  of  lewdness  and  intem- 

123 


124  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

perance,  and  that  tippling  houses  were  numerous. 
In  a  spirit  of  earnest  expostulation,  the  proprietor 
wrote  that  these  alarming  evils  should  be  at  once 
withstood,  and  he  at  the  same  time  rebuked  the  ex- 
tortions in  the  sale  of  lands,  and  the  excesses  of  his 
surveyor,  Holme,  who  had  charged  upon  purchasers 
some  expensive  drinking  festivals. 

But  more  general  causes  of  trouble  soon  appeared. 
The  different  branches  of  government  did  not  har- 
monize with  each  other,  nor  with  the  judiciary. 
There  were,  indeed,  some  irreconcilable  elements  in 
the  composition  of  the  population  itself,  which  led 
to  some  collision  between  the  natural  tempers  and 
the  supposed  rights  of  the  Quakers  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  on  the  other.  Nicholas 
Moore,  President  of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  a 
member  of  the  Council  and  of  the  Assembly,  and 
also  Chief- Justice,  was  impeached  by  the  Council, 
on  the  1 5th  of  May,  1685.  He  wras  accused  of  va- 
rious high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  under  eleven 
specifications.*  No  moral  charge  is  embraced  in 
them;  but  he  seems  to  have  been  passionate,  and  to 
have  resisted  the  alterations  and  measures  proposed 
in  the  Council.  He  was  not  a  Quaker.  Patrick 
Robinson,  clerk  of  the  Provincial  Court,  was  ordered 
to  produce  the  records  of  that  tribunal  in  proof  of 
the  charges  against  Moore.  This  he  refused  to  do, 
and  was  imprisoned,  while  Moore  was  expelled  from 
the  Assembly,  and,  declining  to  answer  to  the  sum- 
mons of  the  Council,  was  driven  from  his  seat  as 
judge. 

*The  accusations  against  Moore  are  given  at  length  in  "  Min- 
utes of  the  Council,"  Vol.  I.  pp.  84,  85. 


WILLIAM    PENN  12$ 

Penn,  on  receiving  this  disagreeable  information, 
wrote  over,  counselling  moderation  and  forbear- 
ance. He  complained,  too,  of  great  injustice  done  to 
himself,  his  supply  and  his  quit-rents  being  with- 
held. He  had  already  lost  by  the  colony  more  than 
six  thousand  pounds,  and  was  too  much  embarrassed 
to  be  able  to  visit  it.  Being  satisfied  that  the  Pro- 
vincial Council  was  too  large,  and  its  members  too 
irregular  in  their  attendance,  for  an  effective  execu- 
tive body,  he  appointed,  in  its  stead,  five  commission- 
's as  the  executive.  Nicholas  Moore  was  one  of 
these,  making  it  evident  that  the  proprietor  had  not 
lost  his  confidence  in  him.  The  instructions  *  to  the 
commissioners,  dated  February,  1687,  give  them  the 
executive  power,  in  place  of  the  Council,  their  doings 
to  be  subject  to  Penn's  confirmation.  They  demand 
order  and  regularity  in  attendance,  that  all  law's 
passed  during  his  absence  should  be  annulled,  that 
the  Assembly  should  be  dismissed  and  then  recalled, 
and  that  such  of  the  above  laws  as  were  good  should 
be  reenacted.  Thus  the  government  consisted  of 
three  bodies,  the  Commissioners,  the  Council,  and 
the  Assembly. 

Penn  wrote  again  in  June,  instructing  the  com- 
missioners to  enforce  the  impost  act,  for  the  support 
of  government.  He  had  refused  an  export  duty  free- 
ly offered  him  by  the  Assembly,  but,  in  1684,  had 
accepted  a  small  duty  on  wines  and  spirituous  liquors. 
He  complains  of  the  neglect  to  furnish  him  with 
official  information  in  attested  and  authoritative 
documents;  and  again,  with  tempered  though  posi- 
*  Given  by  Proud,  Vol.  I.  p.  305. 


126  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

tive  expostulation,  he  refers  to  the  deep  sense  of  in- 
jury which  he  suffered  in  the  withholding  of  all  his 
dues,  while  his  quit-rents,  to  which  he  was  so  honest- 
ly entitled,  amounted  to  five  hundred  pounds  a  year. 
Thomas  Lloyd,  also,  in  whom  he  reposed  much  con- 
fidence, was  weary  of  his  office  as  president  of  the 
Council,  and  was  anxious  to  resign  it.  Penn  released 
him,  though  unwillingly. 

In  1688,  the  proprietor  reduced  the  number  of 
commissioners  from  five  to  three,  designing  to  have 
a  Deputy-Governor  and  two  assistants,  and  intend- 
ing the  former  office  for  Thomas  Lloyd.  He,  how- 
ever, persisted  in  declining  it,  and  Penn  could  find  no 
Quaker  qualified  and  willing  to  assume  it.  Through 
an  interview  which  he  had  with  the  wife  of  Captain 
Thomas  Blackwell,  in  England,  Penn  was  induced 
to  commit  the  trust  to  him.  He  was  not  a  Friend, 
but  had  been  treasurer  of  the  Commonwealth's  army, 
and,  as  such,  much  honored.  He  was  in  Boston 
when  he  received  his  commission  and  instructions 
from  Penn,  dated  September  25th,  1688,*  but  went 
to  Philadelphia  at  the  end  of  the  year,  and  met  the 
Assembly  in  May,  1689. 

Penn  hoped  that  Governor  Blackwell  would  have 
great  influence,  and  would  exert  it  wisely  and  effec- 
tively. He  instructed  him  to  collect  the  quit-rents, 
and  gave  him  prudent  directions  about  the  laws,  the 
roads,  and  other  concerns.  But  the  distractions, 
which  already  existed,  continued.  The  great  seal 
was  refused  to  Blackwell,  so  that  his  laws  could  not 
be  ratified ;  he  was  in  constant  collision  with  the  other 
*  These  are  given  in  Proud,  Vol.  I.  p.  339. 


WILLIAM    PENN 

officers,  and,  as  Penn  tried  in  vain  to  appease  the 
strife,  he  advised  Blackvvell  to  resign,  which  he  did, 
and  returned  to  England,  after  having  governed  but 
a  few  months.  He  was  of  gentlemanly,  and  perhaps 
of  haughty  manners,  used  to  military  methods,  and 
probably  very  earnest  in  demanding  the  quit-rents, 
and  in  pressing  his  authority.  He  therefore  gave 
offence  to  the  Quakers,  and  alienated  others. 

All  these  strifes  contributed  to  weaken  respect  for 
the  proprietor  himself,  as  if  an  absent  governor  was 
to  be  blamed  for  all  the  mismanagement  of  his  depu- 
ties, while  he  was  the  greatest  sufferer.  On  the 
resignation  of  Blackwell,  the  executive  reverted  to 
the  Council,  and  Lloyd  resumed  the  presidency. 
Penn  gave  his  approbation  to  this  state  of  things,  and 
most  earnestly  advised  conciliatory  and  peaceful 
measures.  He  directed  Lloyd  to  set  up  a  grammar 
school  in  Philadelphia ;  and  accordingly  the  Friends' 
Public  School  was  founded  in  1689.  George  Keith, 
who  soon  became  a  source  of  infinite  trouble  in  the 
colony,  was  then  highly  esteemed,  and  was  its  first 
master.  Penn  was  compelled  to  remain  in  England, 
in  retirement,  at  this  juncture,  when  his  presence  in 
the  colony  was  so  much  needed,  and  to  exercise  his 
influence  by  writing  only. 

A  new  and  alarming  difficulty,  which  had  been 
long  in  preparation,  now  presented  itself,  in  the  forrrf 
of  a  seditious  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Terri- 
tories, or  the  three  Lower  Counties.  Though  in- 
corporated with  the  province  under  one  government, 
the  incongruous  elements  of  population,  prejudice, 
and  interest  could  not  be  harmonized.  The  territo- 


128  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ries  wished  to  have  separate  magistrates  and  officers, 
and  to  choose  them  for  themselves.  Their  members 
in  the  Council  met  illegally,  and  undertook  to  legis- 
late; but  their  work  was  undone.  Great  confusion 
ensued,  and  the  councillors  from  the  territories  pro- 
posed a  bill,  authorizing  six  of  their  number,  of  nine, 
to  appoint  all  their  officers.  This  request,  being  sub- 
mitted to  Penn,  offended  him.  He,  however,  offered 
to  the  province  and  territories  their  free  choice  of 
either  of  the  three  executive  methods,  which  had  been 
already  tried,  by  council,  commissioners,  or  deputy- 
governor.  The  province  preferred  a  deputy-gov- 
ernor ;  but  this  was  the  least  acceptable  method  to  the 
territories,  which  objected  to  being  burdened  with 
his  support.  They  preferred  commissioners;  but 
rather  than  the  country  should  be  without  a  govern- 
ment, they  were  willing  to  give  the  power  to  the 
Council,  provided  that  no  officers  were  imposed  upon 
them  without  the  consent  of  their  members  in  it. 
Lloyd  wrote  to  them  that  he,  as  deputy,  would  free 
them  from  all  burden  for  his  support.  The  territo- 
ries could  not  be  brought  to  terms  with  the  province, 
and  therefore  Lloyd,  on  the  loth  of  May,  1691,  as- 
sumed the  government  of  the  latter,  and  Markham, 
the  secretary,  took  a  corresponding  office  in  the  terri- 
tories. Penn  acquiesced  with  reluctance  in  this  re- 
sult, sending  commissions  accordingly,  and  wrote  to 
Lloyd,  expressing  displeasure  with  him  for  being 
willing  to  accept  half  of  a  government.  But  the 
Council,  in  an  official  letter  to  the  proprietary,  wholly 
exculpated  Lloyd  from  any  blame  in  his  proceedings. 
The  two  Deputies  united  in  writing  a  letter  to  Penn, 


WILLIAM    PENN  129 

"N 

and  the  territories  were  so  much  pleased  with  having 
their  civil  administration  to  themselves,  that  a  good 
peace  seemed  to  be  purchased  at  the  expense  of  a 
divided  and  ruptured  government. 

A  new  and  most  vexatious  cause  of  disturbance 
now  presented  itself  to  divide  the  colony  by  a  re- 
ligious feud,  as  it  had  been  divided  by  politics,  only 
with  tenfold  more  of  acrimony.  George  Keith,  who, 
for  many  years,  had  been  a  distinguished  preacher 
and  controversial  writer  among  the  Friends,  a  man 
of  much  learning,  and  of  strong  passions,  brought 
about  a  schism  in  his  Society,  with  all  its  disastrous 
consequences.  He  began  by  endeavoring  to  amend 
and  make  more  rigid  the  discipline  of  the  Society; 
and  then  he  attacked  some  of  its  most  eminent  lead- 
ers with  the  charge  of  heresy  in  doctrine.  He  gave 
great  offence  by  wearing  his  hat  while  a  zealous 
preacher  was  at  prayer,  and  by  showing  "  a  brittle 
temper  ''  when  opposed  by  any  one.  All  the  private 
and  public  conferences,  which  were  designed  by  the 
most  gentle  means  to  curb  his  spirit  and  address  his 
better  feelings,  were  ineffectual,  and  resulted  only  in 
giving  him  opportunities  to  draw  a  party  to  his  side. 
It  would  be  difficult  now  to  form  a  perfectly  fair 
opinion  about  the  merits  of  the  schism;  but  Keith 
had  several  supporters  among  Friends  of  the  highest 
standing,  whom,  however,  he  soon  lost,  though,  even 
after  his  ejection  from  the  Society,  he  had  a  crowded 
meeting  of  his  own.  He  opposed  the  exercise  of 
force  in  civil  government ;  and,  from  objecting  to  the 
arrest  of  a  pirate,  he  proceeded  to  libel  the  magis- 
trates in  print,  for  which  offence  he  was  tried  and 

A.  B.,VOL.  IV.  —9 


130  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

fined.  After  much  disputation,  he  was  disowned  by 
Friends,  at  a  meeting  on  the  2Oth  of  June,  1692,  who, 
in  their  testimony  against  him,  after  referring  to 
their  "  tedious  exercise,  and  vexatious  perplexity," 
made  out  a  very  clear  case  against  him.  Their  act 
was  confirmed  by  the  Yearly  Meeting,  in  the  follow- 
ing September.  Keith  then  appealed  to  the  General 
Meeting,  at  London,  and  Penn,  until  more  fully  in- 
formed, was  inclined  to  his  side;  but  there  the  pro- 
ceedings against  him  were  ratified.  He  then  ob- 
tained ordination,  as  an  Episcopal  clergyman,  from 
the  Bishop  of  London,  and  after  preaching  a  while 
in  England,  with  especial  zeal,  against  the  Quakers, 
he  came  to  this  country  as  a  missionary  of  the  So- 
ciety for  propagating  the  Gospel  among  the  Indians. 
Being  much  slighted,  and  little  favored,  he  returned 
to  England,  where  he  continued  to  preach  in  the 
Church  until  he  died. 

All  these  religious  and  civil  distractions  in  the 
colony  were  repeated  with  aggravations  in  England. 
Penn's  enemies  about  the  court  made  the  most  of 
them  to  the  King,  and  adduced  them  as  evidences 
that  Penn  was  wholly  unfit  to  govern,  and  that  the 
colony  would  be  ruined  without  some  decisive  inter- 
ference of  his  Majesty.  Penn  himself  had  foreseen 
the  result,  and,  in  his  letters  to  his  colony,  had  re- 
peatedly and  expressly  predicted  it.  Pressed  by  the 
facts,  and  the  misrepresentations,  which  were  urged 
upon  them,  and,  without  giving  Penn  a  just  hearing, 
the  King  and  Queen,  by  commission,  dated  October 
2  ist,  1692,  directed  Benjamin  Fletcher,  Governor  of 
New  York,  to  take  upon  him  the  administration  of 


WILLIAM    PENN  131 

Pennsylvania  and  the  territories.  Thus  Penn, 
though  retaining  his  proprietary  rights,  was  deprived 
of  all  his  authority.  lie,  however,  wrote  to  Fletcher, 
who  was  under  many  obligations  to  him,  cautioning 
him,  and  almost  protesting,  against  his  exercise  of 
the  government. 

This  was  certainly  a  most  disastrous  and  trying 
period  in  the  life  of  William  Penn,  comprehending 
the  various  calamities,  from  which  heart  and  mind 
alike  shrink  back  in  dismay  or  gloom.  So  indeed  it 
is,  and  ever  has  been,  with  most  men,  that,  in  the 
experience  of  such  trials,  they  are  overwhelmed,  un- 
less sustained  by  an  inward  peace,  which  never  for- 
sakes them,  and  still  guided  by  an  aim,  which  never 
fades  in  dimness  from  their  faith.  Penn,  yet  in  re- 
tirement, might  mourn  over  a  blighted  hope,  a 
broken  design,  a  lost  province,  a  dishonored  name, 
and  a  dying  wife  at  a  distance  from  him.  George 
Keith,  his  former  bosom  friend  and  travelling  com- 
panion, was  now  his  bitter  enemy.  Many  of  the 
•most  influential  and  cherished  members  of  his  own 
religious  Society  had  grown  cold  in  their  attachment 
to  him,  and  passed  reflections  upon  him,  not  because 
they  credited  the  idle  story  of  his  being  a  Papist,  but 
because  they  thought  he  had  long  taken  a  more  ac- 
tive and  exciting  part  in  the  distractions  of  politics, 
than  became  an  humble  Christian  man.  The  rich 
resources  of  his  character  are  shown  in  the  calm 
faith,  and  the  self-control,  and  the  good  hopes,  with 
which  he  met  his  reverses. 

The  King  seems  to  have  been  favorably  disposed 
to  Penn ;  but  his  advisers  chose  to  retain  their  sus- 


132  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

picions,  and  to  receive  inimical  reports  from  abroad 
and  at  home.  No  attempt  was  made  to  arrest  him, 
though  he  might  have  been  readily  found.  He  did 
not  confine  himself  to  his  lodgings,  but  rather 
avoided  public  notice.  He  seems  to  have  been  re- 
garded as  a  prisoner  at  large,  within  such  limits  as 
admitted  of  his  seizure,  should  any  definite  charge 
arise  from  the  general  suspicion  which  attached  to 
him. 

But  though  he  could  not  govern  Pennsylvania,  he 
might  still  befriend  it;  and  he  determined  upon  re- 
turning thither,  that  he  might  aid  in  preserving  its 
constitution,  and  in  advancing  the  plans,  which  he 
had  designed  for  it.  His  great  outlays,  without  an 
income  from  them,  had  embarrassed  him.  He  there- 
fore wrote  to  some  of  his  friends,  asking  them  to 
find  a  hundred  persons  in  the  colony,  each  of  whom 
would  lend  him  a  hundred  pounds  for  four  years, 
without  interest,  on  his  own  bond,  promising  to 
bring  over  his  family.  But  his  request  was  not  met. 
He  employed  these  saddened  hours  in  labors  of  the 
pen.  The  fruits  of  a  rich  experience,  of  much  knowl- 
edge of  his  own  heart  and  of  other  men,  and  of  a 
very  extended  observation,  are  admirably  expressed 
in  a  little  book  written  by  him  in  1693,  entitled 
"  Some  Fruits  of  Solitude  in  Reflections  and  Maxims 
relating  to  the  Conduct  of  Human  Life."  In  the 
same  year  he  published  "  An  Essay  towards  the 
Present  and  Future  Peace  df  Europe."  In  this  Es- 
say, which  is  of  a  thoroughly  practical  character,  he 
comprehended  nearly  all  that  has  since  been  written 
of  the  folly  of  war,  and  the  methods  and  blessings  of 


WILLIAM   PENN  133 

peace,  while  he  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  propose 
a  congress  of  nations  for  the  settlement  of  disputes 
and  quarrels. 

Glancing,  meanwhile,  at  the  affairs  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, we  find  that  the  people  had  reason  to  regret  the 
absence  and  misfortunes  of  their  true  friend.  Gov- 
ernor Fletcher  amazed  them  by  entering  upon  his 
administration  in  April,  1693,  with  the  pomp  of  a 
military  retinue;  he  offended  them  by  calling  the 
Assembly,  not  as  the  charter  appointed,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  form  which  he  used  in  New  York;  and 
he  drew  from  them  a  protest  by  pressing  oaths  and 
tests.  He  yidded  to  them  on  some  points,  though, 
by  alleging  that  he  did  it  only  through  favor,  he 
greatly  displeased  the  people,  who  thought  that  they 
retained  all  their  privileges  as  guaranteed  to  them  by 
the  charter  which  brought  them  to  America. 

The  Governor,  though  allowing  for  the  scruples 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province 
and  territories,  wished  them  to  grant  a  supply,  not 
for  war,  but  for  an  incident  of  it,  to  help  in  protecting 
Albany  from  the  French.  He  showed  a  message  to 
that  effect  from  the  Queen,  which  seemed  to  require 
all  the  colonies  to  help  in  the  defence  of  the  frontiers. 
The  Assembly,  postponing  action  upon  this  demand, 
withheld  the  supply  till,  by  protests  and  altercation, 
they  had  made  their  compliance  a  condition  of  the 
approval  by  the  Governor  of  the  bills  which  they 
passed.  They  at  last  voted  a  tax,  amounting  to 
seven  hundred  and  sixty  pounds,  sixteen  shillings 
and  two  pence;  stipulating,  however,  that  half  of  it 
should  be  a  present  to  the  Governor,  and  the  other 


134  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

half  a  gift  to  the  crown.  The  Governor  then  ap- 
proved the  bills,  dissolved  the  Assembly  at  its  own 
request,  and  returned  in  the  winter  to  New  York, 
leaving  William  Markham  as  his  deputy.  Fletcher 
visited  Philadelphia  again  in  May,  1694,  and  called 
the  Assembly  in  a  legal  way.  With  much  adroitness, 
he  attempted  to  obtain  more  money,  not  directly  for 
war,  but  to  support,  and  clothe,  and  relieve  the  In- 
dians, who  were  to  fight,  or  to  suffer  from  fighting. 
The  Assembly  refused  to  comply.  Another  session, 
in  September,  saw  the  same  method  renewed;  and 
this  completed  the  administration  of  Governor 
Fletcher,  for  the  fortunes  of  Penn  revived. 

Honorable  feelings  and  simple  justice  could  not 
longer  allow  such  wrong  to  be  done  to  the  lawful 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  Powerful  friends,  whose 
esteem  he  had  not  lost,  among  whom  were  Locke, 
Tillotson,  and  Popple,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  and 
the  Lords  Somers,  Rochester,  Ranelagh,  and  Syd- 
ney, interceded  in  his  behalf  with  the  King,  and 
vouched  his  whole  life  of  unexceptionable  and  un- 
stained integrity.  King  William  said  he  had  noth- 
ing against  Penn,  and  that  he  was  a  free  man  to 
come  and  go  at  his  pleasure.  Lord  Sydney  pressed 
the  King  to  signify  this  to  Penn,  through  the  Secre- 
tary of  State.  This  was  done  in  November,  1693. 
But  Penn,  being  desirous  of  a  more  public  and  satis- 
factory release,  was  heard  before  the  Council,  and 
honorably  acquitted.*  His  satisfaction  at  this  result 
was  overcast  by  the  domestic  affliction,  which  he 

*  Particulars  are  given  in  a  letter  of  Penn,  in  Proud,  Vol.  I. 
p.  401. 


WILLIAM    PENN  135 

saw  was  at  hand.  His  wife,  a  woman  of  eminent 
merits,  and  widely  beloved  by  others,  as  she  was 
tenderly  dear  to  him,  had  long  been  in  a  decline. 
She  participated  in  his  satisfaction  for  his  honorable 
discharge,  and  his  freedom  was  at  once  devoted  to 
her.  He  watched  over  her,  and  shared  the  comforts 
of  her  resignation  and  faith  till  she  died,  on  the  23d 
of  February,  1694.  He  then  bore  testimony  to  her 
virtuous  life  and  her  Christian  death,  in  "  An  Ac- 
count of  the  blessed  End  of  my  Dear  Wife,  Guliel- 
ma  Maria  Penn." 

A  congenial  and  comforting  employment,  at  the 
time  of  his  severe  bereavement,  was  found  by  Wil- 
liam Penn,  in  writing,  as  a  preface  to  the  Journal  of 
George  Fox,  "  An  Account  of  the  Rise  and  Progress 
of  the  People  called  Quakers,  in  which  their  funda- 
mental Principles,  Doctrines,  Worship,  Ministry, 
and  Discipline  are  plainly  declared."  Of  course  the 
most  engaging  portion  of  this  preface  is  that  which 
concerns  Fox  himself.  Penn  had  also  become  much 
interested  in  the  Jewish  people,  and,  for  the  sake  of 
winning  them  to  the  Christian  faith,  he  published, 
this  year,  "  A  Visitation  to  the  Jews."  He  likewise 
published  an  account  of  his  travels  through  Holland 
and  Germany,  in  1667.  He  had  the  satisfaction,  too, 
of  being  restored  to  a  full  and  warm  regard  by  the 
members  of  his  religious  Society,  who  seemed  now  to 
value  him  for  what  he  really  was. 

Penn  had  sent  a  respectful  petition  to  the  King, 
that  his  government  might  once  more  be  confided  to 
him.  The  request  was  fairly  considered,  and  was 
successful,  for  it  appeared  to  be  but  just.  The  instru- 


136  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ment,  which  was  signed  on  the  2oth  of  August,  1694, 
was  all  the  more  acceptable,  because  it  alleged  that 
the  disorder  and  confusion  into  which  his  colony  had 
fallen  had  arisen  from  his  necessary  absence.  He 
sent  a  commission  to  William  Markham  as  his 
deputy,  on  the  24th  of  November,  1694,  and  closed 
the  year  by  a  ministerial  tour  in  England. 

Penn's  purpose  now  was  to  return  to  his  colony  at 
once,  but  various  occupations  and  duties  still  inter- 
posed. In  1695,  renewing  the  work  of  controversy, 
he  published  "  A  Reply  to  a  pretended  Answer,  by  a 
nameless  Author,  to  William  Penn's  Key."  This 
work,  elucidating  and  confirming  a  previous  one,  con- 
tains also  a  vindication  of  his  own  consistency.  He 
appeared  before  the  House  of  Commons  with  the 
Quakers'  Petition,  that  their  affirmations  might  pass 
for  oaths.  The  petition  was  brief,  but  significant 
and  forcible,  alleging  their  strict  conscientiousness, 
their  much  suffering  for  it,  and  their  readiness  to 
meet  the  punishment  of  perjury  for  falsehood.  Penn 
made  another  religious  tour  in  England,  preaching 
and  disputing  abundantly  and  effectively. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1696,  he  formed  a  second 
connection  by  marrying  Hannah  Callowhill,  daugh- 
ter and  granddaughter  of  Quakers,  and  possessed  of 
traits  of  character  which  he  most  esteemed.  But  his 
new  prospects  were  again  clouded  by  another  terrible 
affliction.  His  eldest  son,  Springett,  a  young  man 
very  dear  to  his  father  for  his  virtues  and  promise, 
and  for  his  entire  religious  sympathy,  died  of  con- 
sumption, on  the  loth  of  April,  in  his  twenty-first 
year.  This  was  a  loss  which  Penn  might  feel  would 


WILLIAM    PENN  137 

never  be  restored  in  either  of  his  other  children.  He 
wrote  and  published  a  pathetic  account  of  the  sick- 
ness and  death  of  this  young  man,  which  readers 
may  peruse  with  all  the  more  satisfaction,  as  the 
father  was  not  one  to  exaggerate  in  such  a  matter. 

The  fruit  of  his  meditations  and  labors  at  this 
period  he  published  in  a  work  entitled,  "  Primitive 
Christianity  revived  in  the  Faith  and  Practice  of  the 
People  called  Quakers,  written  in  Testimony  to  the 
present  Dispensation  of  God  through  them  to  the 
World,  that  Prejudices  may  be  removed,  the  Simple 
informed,  the  Well-inclined  encouraged,  and  Truth 
and  its  innocent  Friends  rightly  represented."  In 
these  successive  treatises  or  expositions  of  faith,  the 
system  which  Penn  adopted  in  his  early  years  is  ex- 
panded and  defined.  Being  made  more  clear  and 
self-consistent,  it  became  somewhat  more  conformed 
to  other  systems,  and  more  in  harmony  with  perfect 
truth.  He  also  took  an  active  part  in  the  contro- 
versy with  the  schismatic  Keith,  and  in  a  pamphlet, 
called  "  More  Work  for  George  Keith,"  he  quoted 
and  turned  against  him  some  of  his  own  previous  de- 
fences of  that  faith  which  he  now  maligned. 

Penn  waited  upon  Peter  the  Great,  of  Russia, 
while  in  London,  and  endeavored  to  interest  him  in 
the  views  of  the  Quakers,  by  conversing  with  him  in 
High  Dutch,  and  by  giving  him  the  books  of  the 
Society.  The  czar  was  so  much  won  to  his  zealous 
teacher  as  to  attend  some  Quaker  meetings  in  Eng- 
land, and  afterwards  on  the  Continent. 

Penn  took  up  temporary  residence  in  Bristol,  in 
1697,  probably  with  reference  to  commercial  and 


138  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

mercantile  business,  though  he  attended  meetings, 
and  accompanied  the  preachers  of  the  Society  around 
the  neighborhood.  True  always  to  the  great  cause 
of  entire  liberty  of  conscience  in  religion,  he,  this 
year,  published  "  A  Caution  humbly  offered  about 
passing  the  Bill  against  Blasphemy."  This  was  di- 
rected against  a  bill  then  before  the  House  of  Lords, 
which  made  a  denial  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  to 
be  blasphemy  by  construction.  It  was  for  this  that 
Penn  opposed  it.  The  bill  was  dropped. 

In  1698,  before  completing  his  measures  towards 
reembarking  for  his  colony,  Penn  made  a  visit  to  Ire- 
land, to  preach,  and  look  after  his  estate  there.  The 
preaching  seems  to  have  prevailed  over  the  business. 
He  attended  all  the  regular  and  many  occasional 
meetings  of  Friends,  and  was  an  honored  and  most 
impressive  advocate  of  his  high  views.  Crowds 
flocked  everywhere  to  hear  him.  While  in  Dublin, 
he  published  "  The  Quaker  a  Christian,"  in  answer 
to  a  pamphlet  by  one  Plympton,  with  whom  he  had 
had  a  dispute,  entitled  "  A  Quaker  no  Christian." 
He  sent  an  epistle  from  Ireland  to  the  Yearly  Meet- 
ing at  London.  He  also  published  "  Gospel  Truths 
held  by  the  People  called  Quakers,"  and,  on  his  re- 
turn to  England,  "  A  Defence  of  a  Paper  called  Gos- 
pel Truths  against  the  exceptions  of  the  Bishop  of 
Cork's  Testimony."  After  a  visit  to  London  and 
Deptford,  to  bid  farewell  to  some  Friends  sailing  for 
Pennsylvania,  this  earnest  and  laborious  man  again 
tasked  the  press  to  print  "  The  Truth  of  God  as  held 
by  the  People  called  Quakers ;  being  a  short  Vindica- 
tion of  them  from  the  Abuses  and  Misrepresentations 
put  upon  them  by  envious  Apostates  and  mercenary 


WILLIAM    PENN  139 

Adversaries."  There  is  more  of  variety  than  would 
naturally  be  expected  in  these  repeated  expositions 
of  opinion. 

One  more  public  effort  in  behalf  of  his  brethren 
was  required  of  Penn  before  he  left  England.  There 
had  been  a  public  discussion  at  West  Derham,  be- 
tween an  equal  number  of  Episcopal  clergymen  and 
Quakers ;  and  the  popular  opinion  was,  that  the  latter 
had  triumphed.  Many  of  the  clergy  of  Norfolk  took 
up  the  dispute,  and  published  "  A  Brief  Discovery," 
in  which  the  views  of  the  Quakers  were  most  grossly 
misrepresented  as  mischievous  and  dangerous.  This 
was  presented  to  Parliament  with  a  design  of  con- 
tracting the  liberty  now  allowed  to  Quakers.  Penn 
contented  himself  with  circulating  an  expostulatory 
and  cautionary  paper  among  the  members,  and  with 
publishing  "  A  Just  Censure  of  Francis  Bugg's  Ad- 
dress to  the  Parliament  against  the  Quakers." 

Though  Penn  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and 
family  on  his  second  embarkation  for  Pennsylvania, 
yet,  in  view  of  the  uncertainty  of  his  life,  he  wrote 
his  best  counsels  before  his  departure,  and  published 
them  in  a  little  volume,  called  "  Advice  to  his  Chil- 
dren for  their  civil  and  religious  Conduct."  The 
volume  contains  excellent  rules  of  life,  with  the  rec- 
ommendation of  all  Christian  graces  and  virtues. 
He  wrote  from  on  shipboard  at  Cowes,  on  the  3d  of 
September,  1699,  "  A  Farewell  Epistle  of  Love  and 
Exhortation  to  Friends,"  and  sailed  on  the  9th  of 
the  month.  His  protracted  voyage  of  nearly  three 
months  was  accounted  by  some  to  a  special  Provi- 
dence, protecting  him  from  the  yellow  fever,  which 
in  the  interval  had  desolated  the  colony. 


CHAPTER  XI 

Affairs  of  Pennsylvania. — 'Dissensions. — Military  Supplies  re- 
fused.— New  Act  of  Settlement  by  Markham. — Penn's  second 
Arrival. — Birth  of  a  Son. — The  Assembly. — Penn's  humane 
Measures  in  Behalf  of  Slaves  and  Indians  in  Part  frustrated. 
—The  Constitution. — Penn  is  called  to  England  again. — 
State  of  the  Colony. — The  Assembly  Adopts  the  new  Consti- 
tution.— The  Indians. — City  Charter  of  Philadelphia. — Penn's 
final  Departure. 

REVERTING  to  the  fact  already  stated,  that  Penn, 
on  the  restoration  to  him  of  his  proprietary  rights 
and  authority,  in  1694,  had  appointed  Markham  as 
his  deputy,  a  brief  review  of  affairs  during  the  in- 
terval will  present  the  condition  of  the  colony  at  the 
time  of  Penn's  second  arrival.  Markham,  assuming 
his  office  on  the  26th  of  March,  1695,  called  a  new 
provincial  Council  of  three  members,  and  an  Assem- 
bly of  six  members,  from  each  county  of  the  prov- 
ince and  territories.  The  Council  met  on  the  2Oth  of 
April,  the  Assembly  on  the  loth  of  September.  Al- 
tercations at  once  arose,  because  he  followed  the 
precedent  of  Fletcher,  rather  than  the  provisions  of 
the  charter.  The  session  was  soon  closed,  and  an- 
other commenced  in  October.  Markham  renewed 
the  demand  of  Fletcher,  founded  on  Queen  Anne's 
letter,  for  money  to  aid  in  the  fortifications  of  New 
York.  Penn  seems  to  have  favored  this  demand, 

140 


WILLIAM    PENN  14! 

and  it  is  probable  that  an  implied  condition  on  which 
his  government  was  restored  to  him,  was,  that  he 
should  bear  his  share  in  such  exactions. 

This  demand  of  money,  for  a  purpose  which,  it 
could  not  be  disguised,  was  directly  or  indirectly 
connected  with  military  proceedings,  was  most  offen- 
sive to  the  Quaker  portion  of  the  people.  Indeed,  the 
whole  people  opposed  it,  as  an  unsafe  precedent,  or 
as  a  trespass  upon  the  terms  under  which  they  had 
emigrated ;  and  as  they  tried  all  means  of  evading, 
deferring,  or  resisting  a  compliance  with  it,  and, 
whenever  they  yielded,  connected  one  or  more  con- 
ditions with  their  grants,  we  may  readily  conceive 
that  the  demand  was  fruitful  of  contentions. 

Markham  convened  the  Assembly  again,  on  the 
26th  of  October,  1696.  They  remonstrated,  as  be- 
fore, against  the  illegality  of  the  call.  They  were 
now  anxious  for  a  change  in  the  mode  of  govern- 
ment, and,  under  the  name  of  a  new  Act  of  Settle- 
ment, another  charter  or  constitution  was  proposed 
Markham  again  presented  Fletcher's  request  for 
more  money ;  and,  after  much  bickering,  by  way  of 
compromise,  Markham  confirmed  the  new  constitu- 
tion in  November,  and  the  Assembly  voted  three 
hundred  pounds,  to  be  appropriated,  however,  to  the 
relief  of  distressed  Indians,  near  Albany.  The  Act 
of  Settlement  provided  that  the  Council  should  con- 
sist of  two,  and  the  Assembly  of  four  members,  from 
each  of  the  three  counties  of  the  province  and  the 
territories ;  that  an  affirmation  should  serve  as  an 
oath  for  Quakers ;  and  that  the  Assembly  should  have 
the  power  to  propose  laws. 


142  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

A  temporary  quiet  was  thus  restored  in  the  legisla- 
ture, while  the  general  interests  of  the  colony  were 
flourishing.  Markham  asked  for  more  money  in 
1697,  and  was  respectfully  refused,  on  the  plea  of 
poverty,  and  the  assertion  that  the  neighboring  prov- 
inces had  not  contributed  their  fair  proportion.  A 
grossly  exaggerated  report  had  reached  London, 
charging  upon  the  Pennsylvanians  the  crime  of 
piracy,  and  an  illicit  contempt  of  the  navigation  laws 
of  England.  The  Pennsylvania  government,  there- 
fore, issued  a  proclamation  against  such  offenders. 

On  the  whole,  the  state  of  affairs  was  as  propitious 
as  Penn  could  have  expected  to  find  it  when  he  ar- 
rived in  December,  1699.  Leaving  his  son  William 
in  England,  he  had  brought  with  him  his  wife,  and 
his  daughter  Lsetitia,  probably  then  his  only  other 
child.  His  son  John  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  about 
a  month  after  his  arrival.  The  general  expectation, 
encouraged  too  by  the  language  of  the  proprietor, 
was,  that  he  would  make  Pennsylvania  the  perma- 
nent home  of  himself  and  family.  He  landed  at 
Chester,  and  was  received  by  the  Friends  with  the 
most  affectionate  respect  and  joy.  An  accident 
marred  the  occasion ;  as  some  young  men,  contrary 
to  express  orders,  discharged  some  old  ship's  cannon, 
one  of  them  lost  an  arm  by  the  forbidden  display. 
After  attending  a  religious  meeting  at  Chester,  on 
Sunday,  Penn  went  up  to  Philadelphia,  and  there 
held  another  meeting.  His  presence  caused  delight 
to  the  multitude,  though  it  was  observed  that  some, 
who  knew  him  not,  and  were  not  Quakers,  but  had 
come  since  his  last  visit,  did  not  participate  in  the 
general  joy. 


WILLIAM    PENN  143 

He  at  once  issued  his  writs  calling  together  the 
Assembly,  and,  in  the  interval  preceding  its  meeting, 
he  mingled  freely  and  heartily  with  the  people,  at- 
tending courts,  weddings,  and  religious  meetings, 
and  endeavoring  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  whole 
interests  and  occupations  of  all.  His  residence  was 
at  Pennsbury,  when  he  allowed  himself  any  rest ;  but 
he  had  also  a  dwelling  in  Philadelphia.  The  severe 
weather  of  winter  precluded  any  extended  journeys. 
He  kept  the  Assembly  in  session  but  a  fortnight,  as 
his  chief  purpose  was  to  pass  some  decisive  laws 
against  piracy  and  illicit  trade,  to  remove  all  reproach 
from  the  colony. 

The  concern,  which  at  this  period  weighed  most 
heavily  upon  the  heart  of  Penn,  was  the  condition  of 
the  negro  slaves  and  the  Indians,  but  more  especially 
of  the  former.  The  outrageous  iniquity  which  has 
rioted  in  its  foulest  license  in  this  land,  where  it 
ought  never  even  to  have  been  named,  the  holding  of 
human  beings  as  slaves,  was  introduced  into  Penn- 
sylvania with  the  very  beginnings  of  its  plantations. 
Even  the  Quakers,  whose  standards  and  practice  are 
allowed,  by  consenting  testimony,  to  come  nearest  to 
the  law  of  Christianity,  engaged  in  the  abominable 
traffic.  Their  sufficient  excuse  to  their  own  hearts, 
and  perhaps  their  sufficient  defence  against  the  judg- 
ment of  our  day,  was,  that  they  were  exercising  a 
humane  mercy,  in  receiving  to  a  share  in  their  com- 
forts and  blessings,  as  civilized  beings,  the  abject 
and  barbarous  victims  of  heathenism.  Penn  re- 
solved, that,  both  in  his  religious  Society  and  in  his 
civil  government,  the  most  effective  measures  should 


144  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

be  taken  to  mitigate  the  evil  so  long  as  it  must  be 
endured,  and  to  remove  it  if  that  were  possible. 

The  cause  of  the  negro  slaves  had  already  been 
pressed  upon  the  attention  of  the  Friends  in  Pennsyl- 
vania before  Penn's  return.  The  honor  of  the  first 
movement  belongs  to  those  emigrants  from  Kirch- 
heim,  who  had  settled  at  Germantown.  In  1688, 
they  had  presented  a  paper  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  of 
Friends  at  Burlington,  protesting  against  the  buying, 
selling,  and  holding  men  in  slavery,  as  inconsistent 
with  the  Christian  religion.  Some  other  local  and 
subordinate  meetings  having,  from  time  to  time,  sent 
similar  protests,  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  Philadelphia, 
in  1696,  issued  its  advice  that  Friends  be  careful  not 
to  encourage  the  bringing  of  any  more  slaves,  and 
that  they  be  religiously  watchful  of  those  already  in 
their  possession.  George  Keith  and  his  party  took 
the  same  ground,  in  the  same  year.  The  immediate 
result  was,  that  the  slaves  were  treated  with  more 
kindness  and  regard,  and  were  looked  upon  as  mem- 
bers of  the  families  who  had  their  services.* 

Penn  introduced  the  subject  with  great  earnest- 
ness and  with  success,  before  his  first  Monthly  Meet- 
ing, in  1700.  It  was  there  determined,  that  a  Month- 
ly Meeting  should  be  held  expressly  for  slaves,  and 
that  their  masters  should  attend  with  them  and  labor 
for  their  Christian  improvement.  The  same  interest 
was  excited  in  behalf  of  the  Indians,  and  Penn  took 
upon  himself  the  expense  of  interpreters. 

*  See  the  valuable  paper,  entitled  "  Notices  of  Negro  Slavery 
as  connected  with  Pennsylvania,  by  Edward  Bettle,"  in  ''  Me- 
moirs of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  I.  Pt.  2, 
p.  365. 


WILLIAM    PENN  145 

During  an  interval  of  relief  from  the  duties  of  the 
Council  board,  the  Governor  occupied  himself  in  pro- 
viding for  the  health  and  cleanliness  of  Philadelphia, 
requiring  all  slaughter-houses  to  be  upon  the  river's 
bank,  removing  other  nuisances,  and  arranging  for 
the  comfort  of  the  inhabitants.  The  town  then  con- 
tained seven  hundred  dwellings. 

On  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  on  the  loth  of 
May,  1700,  Penn  proposed  deliberation  upon  still 
another  form  of  government,  as  the  people  were  dis- 
satisfied with  that  of  Markham,  which  had  been 
adopted  in  1696.  The  Governor  designed  that  suffi- 
cient time  and  thought  should  now  be  spent  upon  a 
constitution,  so  that,  with  the  help  of  past  experience, 
the  ends  of  government  might  be  answered,  and  the 
state  be  settled  in  a  regular  and  permanent  method 
of  administration.  He  did  not  wish  the  matter  to 
be  hastily  decided,  and  therefore,  without  pressing 
this  Assembly  to  immediate  action,  he  asked  them  to 
keep  the  subject  in  view  while  other  business 
advanced. 

In  June,  Penn  laid  before  the  Assembly  his  views 
and  wishes  in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  slaves, 
a  matter  to  him  of  increasingly  painful  interest.  He 
sent  to  the  Assembly  three  bills ;  one  "  for  regulating 
negroes  in  their  morals  and  marriages,"  another  "  for 
the  regulation  of  their  trials  and  punishments,"  and 
another  "  for  preventing  abuses  upon  the  negroes." 
While  the  Assembly  passed  the  second  only  of  these 
bills,  to  the  great  grief  of  the  Governor,  the  other 
two  were  negatived.  The  reasons  probably  were, 
that  while  the  Council,  composed  entirely  of  Qua- 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  —  10 


146  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

kers,  unanimously  coincided  with  Penn,  the  Assem- 
bly, in  which  the  Quakers  were  a  minority,  did  not 
feel  those  scruples  of  conscience  on  this  matter  of 
slavery;  and  that  the  members  from  the  territories, 
who  were  again  uneasy,  opposed  nearly  all  legisla- 
tion at  this  time  for  the  mere  sake  of  opposition. 
Some  other  bills  were  passed,  and  the  Assembly  dis- 
solved on  the  8th  of  June. 

After  attending  an  Indian  feast,  and  there  deepen- 
ing the  regard  which  the  natives  entertained  for  him, 
Penn  travelled  through  his  province,  the  Jerseys,  and 
Maryland,  in  the  work  of  the  ministry.  On  the  I4th 
of  October,  he  again  convened  the  Assembly,  which 
met  at  New  Castle  to  favor  the  territories.  The 
chief  business  was  to  consider  the  new  constitution, 
and  to  provide  for  the  support  of  government.  But 
the  agitation,  caused  by  the  uneasiness  and  opposi- 
tion of  the  members  from  the  territories,  absorbed 
the  chief  attention  of  the  Assembly.  They  were 
afraid  lest  a  further  subdivision  of  the  province  into 
counties,  and  its  increasing  preponderance,  would 
cause  the  territories  to  be  outvoted  and  oppressed, 
and  they  incessantly  opposed  the  quiet  settlement  of 
all  other  business.  Penn,  for  a  time,  appeased  the 
strife  by  a  measure,  which  allowed  that,  for  all  bills 
particularly  affecting  the  territories,  the  assent  of 
two-thirds  of  their  own  representatives,  and  of  a  ma- 
jority of  the  representatives  of  the  province,  should 
be  requisite.  Scarcely,  however,  was  this  concilia- 
tory indulgence  assented  to,  when  another  dispute 
arose  about  proportioning  the  tax  then  to  be  levied 
for  the  support  of  government.  The  territorial  rep- 


WILLIAM    PENN  147 

resentatives  showed  that  they  had  the  power  of  oppo- 
sition, which  they  wished  to  retain.  After  much 
bickering,  Penn  again  devised  a  measure  of  peace, 
and  the  tax  was  levied  in  a  proportion  of  a  little  less 
than  a  quarter  of  the  amount  upon  the  territories. 
The  new  frame  of  government  was  still  slowly  con- 
sidered, but  not  passed,  and  the  Assembly  dissolved 
on  the  2/th  of  November. 

Early  in  1701,  Penn  had  intended  to  go  to  East 
Jersey,  to  aid  in  quelling  a  riot  there.  Quiet  was  re- 
stored before  he  set  out  upon  the  journey;  but  from  a 
letter,  which  he  wrote  on  the  occasion,  it  appears  that 
he  strongly  advocated  a  resort  to  force  on  such  emer- 
gencies, and  was  no  foe  to  the  most  effective  magis- 
terial authority. 

On  the  23d  of  April,  he  held,  at  Philadelphia,  an- 
other treaty  of  amity  with  the  representatives  of 
various  Indian  tribes,  including  the  Five  Nations; 
presents  were  exchanged,  mutual  agreements  were 
made,  and  the  natives  acknowledged  the  King  of 
England,  not  as  their  master,  but  as  their  protector, 
in  preference  above  the  King  of  France.*  A  com- 
pany was  formed  in  the  Council,  to  trade  with  the 
Indians,  so  as  to  avoid  abuses,  and  to  bring  them  to 
the  Christian  religion.  It  was  agreed  that  none 
should  buy  land  of  them,  within  the  charter  limits, 
without  the  permission  of  the  proprietor;  that  none 
should  sell  them  strong  liquors ;  and  that  no  foreigner 
should  trade  with  them. 

Penn  convened  the  Assembly  again  on  the  ist  of 

*  The  terms  and  agreements  of  this  treaty  are  given  in 
Proud,  Vol.  I.  p.  428-432. 


148  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

August,  and  laid  before  them  a  letter  from  the  King, 
demanding  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  as  their 
portion  of  a  sum  assessed  upon  all  the  proprietary 
governments  for  fortification  and  defence.  This  was 
a  hard  request  for  Penn  to  make,  and  harder  still  for 
the  Assembly  to  allow.  After  much  shuffling  and 
procrastination,  the  money  was  refused  on  the  al- 
leged grounds  of  poverty,  and  that  the  other  colonies 
had  not  contributed  their  fair  proportion  to  the  ex- 
pense of  previous  defences. 

Penn  had,  about  this  time,  another  parley  at 
Pennsbury  with  a  tribe  of  Indians  which  he  had  not 
met  before.  We  have  an  account  of  it  in  the  journal 
of  John  Richardson,  a  minister  among  the  Friends, 
who  was  present.  It  seems,  that,  in  answer  to  his 
earnest  queries  about  the  Indian  belief  in  a  future 
state  of  rewards  and  punishments,  the  natives  ex- 
pressed a  conviction  that  the  good  enjoyed  hereafter 
warm  and  pleasant  hunting-grounds,  with  comfort- 
able blankets,  while  the  wicked  were  banished  to  a 
cold  place,  and  shivered  there  for  the  lack  of  cloth- 
ing. This  is  an  inversion  of  the  more  common  view 
of  retribution  among  Christians.  A  cool  place  of  tor- 
ment is  certainly  a  novelty  in  religious  speculation. 

But  the  plans  of  the  proprietor  were  again  arrested 
in  their  progress  by  the  tidings  transmitted  to  him 
from  England,  that  a  measure  was  already  pending 
before  the  House  of  Lords,  for  bringing  all  the  pro- 
prietary governments  under  the  crown.  Some  real 
abuses,  some  exaggerated  reports,  but  more  real  fear 
of  the  growing  strength  of  the  colonies,  suggested 
this  measure.  It  was  kept  in  abeyance,  for  a  time, 


WILLIAM    PENN  149 

by  some  who  were  interested  in  opposing  it.  But 
Penn  found  in  it  cogent  reasons  for  his  return  to 
England.  Doubtless  other  considerations  had 
weight  with  him,  at  this  time,  to  lessen  his  desire  to 
remain  where  he  was.  He  was  far  from  being  en- 
tirely at  ease  in  his  government,  or  from  finding  the 
pleasant  home,  and  the  prosperous  toil,  which  he  had 
anticipated.  An  increasing  variety  of  character,  and 
other  elements  in  the  population  of  the  colony,  the 
disaffection  of  the  territories,  the  issues  constantly 
raised  between  the  Quakers  and  others,  and  the  great 
individual  liberty  allowed,  caused  frequent  collisions 
of  passion  and  interest.  From  the  letters  of  Penn 
and  his  correspondents,  it  appears  that  his  wife  and 
daughter  were  uneasy  and  discontented,  and  that  the 
unwillingness  of  the  people  to  provide  for  his  sup- 
port, or  to  reimburse  his  heavy  outlays,  had  much 
weight  with  him.* 

He  determined  upon  a  return  voyage ;  and  at  once 
summoning  the  Assembly,  which  met  at  Philadel- 
phia, on  the  1 5th  of  September,  he  gave  them  the 
reasons  for  his  departure,  expressed  his  strong  re- 
luctance at  the  necessity  of  going  away,  suggested 
the  importance  of  their  legislative  action,  and  re- 
peated the  King's  demand  for  three  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  for  the  fortifications.  The  last  item  was 
summarily  disposed  of  by  a  negative.  The  Assem- 
bly presented  to  him  a  respectful  address,  and  twenty 
articles,  relating  to  their  privileges  and  desires,  on 

*  See  the  rich  and  valuable  antiquarian  gatherings  of  John  F. 
Watson,  in  his  "  Annals  of  Philadelphia  and  Pennsylvania," 
Vol.  I.  pp.  24,  167. 


150  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

which  they  wished  for  his  action.  He  nobly  offered 
them  the  privilege  of  nominating  his  deputy  or  suc- 
cessor; but  they  declined  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
offer.  Some  of  their  articles  he  passed;  others, 
which  embraced  a  most  impertinent  and  improper 
encroachment  upon  his  own  estate  and  private  rights, 
he  refused  with  some  severity  of  temper,  which  the 
occasion  justified.  The  people,  not  knowing  whom 
they  might  have  to  deal  with  after  him,  and  well 
aware  that  they  must  make  the  most  of  his  indul- 
gence if  they  were  coming  under  a  direct  royal  con- 
trol, were  disposed  to  trespass  upon  him  even  beyond 
the  bounds  of  common  decency.*  His  honest  in- 
dignation soon  subsided  with  the  occasion  which 
called  it  forth. 

While  the  Council  was  in  session,  a  delegation  of 
Indians  was  admitted  to  another  friendly  conference, 
and  received  presents  when  they  took  their  leave  of 
the  proprietor  and  Governor. 

Another  rupture  was  now  made  by  the  delegates 
from  the  territories.  Some  of  them  withdrew,  and 
were  about  returning  home.  Penn  employed  all  his 
persuasive  power  in  attempting  to  conciliate  them. 
He  met  them  by  themselves,  and,  after  a  patient 
hearing  of  the  seceders,  he  reconciled  them,  by  prom- 
ising them  a  final  security  against  their  ever  being 

*  The  address  and  articles  of  the  Assembly,  with  Perm's 
answer,  are  in  Proud,  Vol.  II.  Appendix  V.  Among  other 
exactions  made  upon  Penn  were  the  demand  of  the  free  gift 
of  some  of  his  own  reserved  land,  a  request  that  the  quit-rent 
charge  might  be  removed,  and  that  new  terms  of  purchase 
might  be  made,  and  a  claim  that  his  unsold  lots  might  be  had 
at  the  rate  of  the  first  cost,  without  any  allowance  for  their 
increased  value. 


WILLIAM    PENN  151 

outvoted,  in  having  a  separate  government  for  them- 
selves, if  they  should  desire  it. 

The  Assembly  revised  and  enacted  about  one  hun- 
dred laws.  The  new  frame  of  government,  which 
was  essentially  the  same  as  that  passed  by  Markham, 
except  in  allowing  the  territories  to  separate  from 
the  government  of  the  province,  and  to  have  one  of 
their  own  in  three  years,  if  they  desired  it.  was  rati- 
fied by  Penn,  on  the  28th  of  October,  1701,  and  con- 
tinued in  force  so  long  as  the  English  monarch 
controlled  the  colony.  Penn  then  appointed  a  Coun- 
cil of  eight,  with  executive  power,  and  made  Andrew 
Hamilton,  a  distinguished  and  influential  proprietor 
of  East  New  Jersey,  his  Deputy-Governor. 

One  of  the  last  official  acts  of  William  Penn,  be- 
fore he  embarked,  was  to  make  Philadelphia  a  city, 
by  a  charter  signed  on  the  25th  of  October,  i/oi, 
and  presented  on  the  29th  of  October.  Edward 
Shippen  was  the  first  Mayor.  Penn  then  embarked 
with  his  family  for  England.  It  was  the  last  time 
on  which  he  was  to  look  upon  those  fresh  scenes  of 
human  effort  and  conflict,  for  which  his  soul  yearned 
as  fitted  for  the  exercise  of  its  noblest  faculties.  It 
is  vain  to  ask  what  effect  his  continued  residence  here 
would  have  had  upon  the  prospects  and  destiny  of 
that  noble  state,  which  is  honored  in  bearing  his  un- 
sullied name. 


CHAPTER  XII 

Penn's  Misfortunes  in  England. — Queen  Anne. — His  Address 
to  her  for  the  Quakers. — Discouraging  News  from  his 
Colony. — The  Territories  secede. — Penn  sends  Evans  as  his 
Deputy. — William  Penn,  Junior. — Misconduct  and  Unpopu- 
larity of  Evans. — Dissensions  and  Remonstrances. — Evans 
recalled. — Penn's  Embarrassments. — A  Prisoner  for  Debt. — 
Sends  Gookin  as  his  Deputy. — More  Troubles  in  Pennsyl- 
vania.— James  Logan. — Penn's  expostulatory  Letter. — Mort- 
gages his  Province,  and  resolves  to  sell  it. — His  Health  fails. 
— His  Decline,  and  Death. 

WILLIAM  PENN  arrived  at  Portsmouth  in  Decem- 
ber, 1701.  The  primary  end  of  his  return  was  soon 
answered,  as  the  project  for  bringing  the  proprietary 
governments,  by  purchase,  under  the  direct  control 
of  the  crown,  was  soon  abandoned.  But  duties  of 
various  kinds  occupied  a  portion  of  his  time,  though 
labors  of  devotion  and  love  for  others  continued  to 
employ,  as  they  always  had  employed,  the  larger 
measure  of  it.  He- returned  to  England  to  bear  re- 
newed disappointments,  to  suffer  further  indignities, 
to  witness  the  frustration  of  many  of  his  noble  plans, 
and,  amid  the  imbecility  and  helplessness  of  a  long 
decline,  to  retain  no  other  faculty  but  that  of  giving 
expression  to  the  deep  love,  which  glowed  to  the  very 
last  in  his  soul.  These  varied  trials  are  the  lot  of  all, 
who,  by  public  service  or  by  philanthropic  endeavors, 
open  so  many  avenues  for  them  to  their  hearts. 

152 


WILLIAM    PENN  153 

They  have  fallen  heavily  upon  the  wisest  and  best 
of  the  earth.  Indeed,  there  is  nothing  which  so  re- 
lieves the  dark  mystery  of  evil,  as  the  well  proved 
fact,  that  the  wisest  and  best  of  the  earth  are  ap- 
pointed to  bear  its  heaviest  inflictions,  and  still  to 
conquer  by  the  might  of  a  diviner  principle.  Penn 
bore  his  share,  and  it  was  a  very  large  one,  in  this 
hard  conflict.  His  trials  were  those  of  the  great;  his 
victory  was  that  of  the  good. 

The  limits  of  this  biography  are  restricted  to  the 
most  brief  mention  of  incidents,  which  concerned 
the  proprietor  of  Pennsylvania ;  the  reader  must  look 
elsewhere  for  the  history  of  that  province. 

The  death  of  King  William,  on  the  i6th  of  March, 
1702,  did  not  essentially  affect  the  interests  of  Penn. 
Queen  Anne  had  been,  and  continued  to  be,  his 
friend,  respecting  his  great  virtues,  admiring  his 
whole  character,  and  being  willing  to  forward  his 
plans.  She  renewed  the  promise  of  toleration  to  the 
Quakers,  and  he  carried  up  to  her  their  address  of 
thanks.  He  took  lodgings  at  Kensington,  to  be  near 
the  court,  and  doubtless  enjoyed  much  social  happi- 
ness with  the  friends  who  loved  and  honored  him. 
He  published,  in  i/oi,  a  second  part  to  his  "  Fruits 
of  Solitude,"  and  in  the  following  year  wrote  a  letter, 
entitled  "  Considerations  upon  the  Bill  against  occa- 
sional Conformity ;  "  that  bill  being  then  before  the 
Commons.  In  1703,  Penn  removed  to  Knightsbridge, 
where  he  wrote  two  prefaces,  one  to  a  collection  of 
the  writings  of  Charles  Marshall,  called  "  Zion's 
Travellers  comforted ;  "  the  other,  "  Vindicine  Veri- 
tatis ;  or,  An  Occasional  Defence  of  the  Principles 


154  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

and  Practice  of  the  People  called  Quakers;  in  An- 
swer to  a  Treatise  by  John  Stillingfleet,  a  Clergyman 
in  Lincolnshire,  miscalled  Seasonable  Advice  against 
Quakerism." 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  information  which  Penn  re- 
ceived from  his  province  was  very  disheartening  to 
him.  The  Lieutenant-Governor,  Hamilton,  could 
not  control  the  conflicting  elements  of  popular  will 
and  discordant  interests,  and  he  outraged  the  feel- 
ings of  the  Quakers  by  attempting  to  organize  a 
militia.  The  territories,  which  had  not  accepted,  nor 
had  their  share  in  ratifying,  the  new  constitution, 
seceded  from  the  joint  government,  and  the  province 
wished  to  avail  itself  of  the  contingency  provided  for 
in  the  charter,  by  increasing  the  number  of  repre- 
sentatives through  the  choice  of  four  new  members 
from  each  county,  and  of  two  from  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia. Governor  Hamilton  acceded  to  the  meas- 
ure; but,  before  it  could  be  carried  into  effect,  he 
died,  in  February,  1703.  Edward  Shippen,  as  presi- 
dent of  the  Council,  filled  his  place  till  the  wishes  of 
Penn  should  be  known.  But  he  at  once  found  him- 
self involved  in  a  heated  quarrel  with  the  Assembly, 
respecting  its  power  of  self-adjournment. 

The  proprietor  immediately  sent  over  John  Evans 
as  his  deputy.  This  was  a  bad  choice.  Evans, 
though  devoted  to  the  interest  of  Penn,  was  young, 
passionate,  volatile,  and  withal  loose  in  his  private 
habits.  He  treated  with  levity  the  scruples  of  the 
Quakers,  and  seems  to  have  thought  that  their  prin- 
ciples, which  had  stood  the  fires  of  persecution,  would 
yield  to  his  dictation  or  buffoonery.  He  arrived  in 


WILLIAM    PENN  155 

February,  1704.  He  appears  to  have  set  his  heart 
upon  reuniting  the  province  and  territories,  and  he 
immediately  attempted  a  reconciliation  between  their 
respective  representatives.  The  members  of  the  ter- 
ritories, with  whose  side  of  the  controversy  he  im- 
plicated himself,  were  ready  to  accept  the  terms  pro- 
posed by  him  ;  but  the  members  of  the  province,  prob- 
ably persuaded  from  former  experience  that  real  and 
lasting  harmony  was  impossible,  refused  again  to 
assume  the  show  of  it.  A  final  separation  therefore' 
took  place,  and  the  three  lower  counties,  or  the  terri- 
tories, henceforward  had  their  own  legislature,  thus 
forming  what  afterwards  became  the  independent 
State  of  Delaware.  Governor  Evans  held  an  Assem- 
bly for  the  province  at  Philadelphia,  and  another  for 
the  territories  at  New  Castle. 

There  came  over  with  Governor  Evans  William 
Penn,  Junior,  the  only  surviving  son  of  the  pro- 
prietor by  his  first  wife,  and  one  of  the  many 'trials 
of  the  excellent  father,  perhaps  that  one  of  them  all 
which  came  nearest  to  his  heart.  There  are  extant 
letters  of  the  proprietor  to  James  Logan,  from  which 
it  appears  that  the  son,  then  a  man  with  a  wife  and 
children,  had  for  some  time  thought  of  visiting  Penn- 
sylvania. These  letters,  written  in  confidence,  dis- 
close the  faults  and  weaknesses  of  the  young  man  to 
Logan,  to  whose  care,  though  himself  a  young  and 
single  man,  the  son  of  the  proprietor  was  intrusted. 
He  came  to  see  how  he  should  like  the  place,  intend- 
ing to  return  and  convey  his  family.  Logan,  warned 
of  his  propensities,  was  desired  to  win  for  him  the 
favor  of  Friends,  and  to  keep  him  constantly  em- 


1 56  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ployed.  The  number  of  hounds  which  he  brought 
with  him  will  probably  indicate  the  ruling  motive, 
which  led  him  to  the  forests  of  the  New  World.  As 
might  be  supposed,  he  found  the  Society  of  Friends 
too  tedious  for  him.  He  sometimes  attended  their 
religious  meetings,  but  soon  ceased  to  regard  any 
form  of  worship,  and,  owing  to  some  offence,  which 
he  took  up  against  the  Quakers,  probably  a  resent- 
ment of  their  expostulation  or  advice,  he  broke  his 
connection  with  the  Society.  In  company  with  some 
young  bachelors,  he  kept  house  in  Philadelphia,  and, 
amid  the  indulgences  of  free  living,  he  did  not  escape 
the  imputation  of  the  grosser  vices.  Having  been 
concerned  with  others  in  a  drunken  frolic  and  a  street 
fray,  young  Penn  was  presented  by  the  grand  jury, 
in  September,  1704,  and  convicted,  though  Governor 
Evans  reversed  the  sentence.  We  may,  however, 
infer,  from  the  fact  of  his  having  friends  and  vindi- 
cators, that  he  stands  charged  with  the  utmost  that 
his  enemies  or  severe  critics  could  allege  against  him. 
After  selling  his  manor  to  pay  his  debts,  he  returned 
to  England  in  disgust;  and  his  father,  though  not 
justifying  his  folly,  lamented  some  provocation  to 
which  he  had  been  subjected.* 

The  unpopularity  of  Governor  Evans  increased 
with  all  his  public  acts,  and  by  the  habits  of  his 
private  life.  .  His  repeated  attempts  to  involve  the 
people  in  military  preparations,  and  other  measures 
of  his  administration,  led  the  Assembly  to  send  to 
Penn  a  remonstrance  against  him.  In  1705,  Evans 

*  See  Letters  from  Mrs.  Logan's  collection,  quoted  in  "  Wat- 
son's Annals  of  Philadelphia,"  Vol.  I.  pp.  112  and  following. 


WILLIAM    PENN  157 

informed  the  Assembly  that  the  proprietor  was  dis- 
pleased with  this  proceeding.  A  temporary  harmony 
was  restored,  when  two  mischievous  measures  of 
Evans  completely  alienated  from  him  the  respect  and 
confidence  of  the  people.  Determined  to  try  the 
effect  of  a  stratagem  upon  the  pacific  principles  of 
the  Quakers,  the  Governor,  in  conjunction  with 
Thomas  French  and  others,  caused  a  deceptive  mes- 
sage from  New  Castle  to  be  sent  to  him  at  Philadel- 
phia, on  occasion  of  a  fair,  on  the  i6th  of  May,  1706, 
informing  him  that  some  armed  vessels  were  coming 
up  the  river  with  a  hostile  intent.  By  a  preconcerted 
arrangement,  frightened  emissaries  sped  through  the 
streets,  while  Evans  himself,  riding  about  with  a 
drawn  sword,  caused  a  terrible  fright.  James  Logan 
was  thought  to  be  implicated  in  the  trick.  Amid  the 
consternation  which  ensued,  the  loss  of  valuable 
property,  and  the  dangers  always  attending  such  an 
alarm,  only  four  Quakers  appeared  in  arms.  When 
the  deception  was  discovered,  the  indignation  of  the 
people  was  intense. 

The  other  outrage,  committed  by  Evans,  was  the 
erection  of  a  fort  at  New  Castle,  by  connivance  with 
some  in  the  territories,  and  the  demand  of  a  toll  from 
ships  passing  it,  under  the  penalty  of  being  fired" 
upon.  Some  resolute  Quakers  in  Philadelphia  bold- 
ly subjected  themselves  in  a  vessel  to  this  penalty, 
and,  by  a  stratagem  getting  the  commander  of  the 
fort  in  their  power,  put  a  stop  to  the  imposition.  A 
second  remonstrance  against  Evans  was  sent  to  Penn 
in  1/07. 

When  information  of  this  distressing  character 


158  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

was  conveyed  to  the  proprietor  in  England,  it  found 
him  involved  in  troubles  of  a  most  annoying  and 
painful  nature.  With  at  least  an  equal  zeal  for  the 
religious  views  which  he  so  fondly  loved,  and  so  de- 
votedly supported,  as  for  the  good  administration 
of  his  province,  he  had  written,  in  1704,  a  preface  to 
John  Whithead's  "  Works,"  and  had  travelled  as  a 
minister,  in  1705,  in  England.  Penn  was  no  econo- 
mist; but  kindness,  not  wastefulness,  consumed  his 
means.  His  estate  in  England  and  Ireland  produced 
an  income  of  fifteen  hundred  pounds.  The  purchase 
money  of  his  province  was  nominally  the  debt  due 
from  the  crown  to  his  father,  while  the  sale  of  the 
lots  would  apparently  increase  his  means.  To  these 
sources  of  an  annual  revenue  should  have  been  added 
the  quit-rents  and  the  imposts,  which  ought  to  have 
yielded  him  some  thousands  a  year.  Of  the  two  lat- 
ter emoluments  he  was  almost  entirely  defrauded. 
Now,  among  his  expenses  must  be  set  down  the  un- 
told sums  which  he  had  paid  for  the  relief  of  hun- 
dreds of  his  religious  friends  in  England,  Ireland, 
and  Scotland,  as  well  as  upon  the  continents  of  Eu- 
rope and  America ;  the  cost  of  his  public  agencies  and 
his  court  interests ;  the  charges  attending  the  emigra- 
tion and  settlement  of  both  poor  and  rich  in  the 
Jerseys  and  in  his  own  patent;  his  share  in  the  bur- 
dens of  government  and  in  improvements ;  and,  last- 
ly, the  maintenance  of  his  deputies  almost  entirely 
from  his  own  purse.  Penn  himself  says,  "  I  spent 
upon  the  colony  ten  thousand  pounds  the  first  two 
years.  My  deputy-governors  cost  me  much,  and  vast 
sums  I  have  melted  away  here  in  London,  to  hinder 


WILLIAM    PENN  159 

much  mischief  against  us,  if  not  to  do  us  much 
good."  * 

Philip  Ford,  a  Quaker  and  merchant  of  London, 
had  been  for  several  years  Penn's  general  agent 
there.  Through  his  mismanagement  and  dishonesty, 
followed  up  by  his  heirs,  the  proprietor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, who  had  been  an  inmate  of  prisons  for  con- 
science' sake,  became  now  a  prisoner  for  debt.  In 
his1  complicated  business  concerns,  which  were  em- 
barrassed by  the  faults  of  others,  Penn  had,  with  the 
fullest  confidence,  signed  a  deed  of  sale  of  his  prov- 
ince to  Ford,  and  took  for  him  a  lease  for  three  years. 
Afterwards,  Ford,  having  paid  sixteen  thousand 
pounds,  and  having  received  seventeen  thousand 
pounds,  demanded  of  Penn,  for  compound  interest 
and  commissions,  a  balance  of  ten  thousand  five 
hundred  pounds,  while  it  would  appear  that  less  than 
two  thousand  pounds  were  due  him.  On  the  death 
of  Ford,  his  son  and  widow,  although  bed-ridden, 
exacted  the  whole  amount  claimed,  and  arrested 
Penn  at  a  meeting  in  January,  1708.  To  avoid  their 
extortion,  and  to  be  in  a  situation  to  make  the  best 
terms  for  himself,  Penn  put  himself  within  the  limits 
of  the  Fleet  Prison,  where  he  made  himself  as  com- 
fortable as  a  good  conscience,  generous  living,  and 
the  kind  visits  of  Friends  would  allow.  The  Fords 
petitioned  Queen  Anne  to  put  them  in  possession  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  without  success,  while  they  of- 
fered to  sell  it  to  Isaac  Norris  for  eight  thousand 
pounds.  When  the  case  came  before  chancery,  Penn, 

*  Letter  of  Penn  to  his  steward,  J.  Harrison,  at  Pennsbury, 
in  Watson,  Vol.  I.  p.  108. 


l6o  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

though  evidently  wronged,  lost  it,  and  his  freedom 
was  secured  by  subscriptions  and  loans  among  his 
friends.* 

Constant  perplexities  annoyed  Penn  at  this  time, 
and  frustrated  all  his  intentions.  The  troubles  in  his 
own  distant  province,  multiplying  with  each  message 
which  brought  them,  gave  him  no  peace,  except  that 
which  he  found  in  his  own  breast.  What  grounds 
there  may  have  been  for  the  strong,  and  continued, 
and  fretting  resistance  against  his  government  and 
plans,  it  might  be  difficult  now  to  decide.  Nor 
should  our  honorable  and  deserved  estimation  of 
William  Penn  lead  us  to  imagine  that  there  were  no 
such  grounds.  He  was  the  feudal  head  of  a  democ- 
racy, and  this  was  a  combination  of  heterogeneous 
elements,  which  could  promise  but  little  harmony  in 
their  workings.  He  had  given  the  people  so  much 
liberty,  that  they  thought  one  lawful  mode  of  exer- 
cising it  was  to  strip  him  of  the  little  authority  which 
he  had  reserved  to  himself.  Had  he  been  in  their 
midst,  his  personal  weight,  his  manifest  devotion  to 
their  good,  and  the  implication  of  his  interest  with 
their  own,  would  doubtless  have  secured  a  more 
felicitous  result  to  himself  personally.  But  the  dele- 
gation of  his  authority  to  deputies,  not  always  most 
wisely  chosen,  his  own  separation,  and  the  difficulties 
attending  the  exercise  of  his  power  across  the  water, 
the  collision  of  parties,  and  the  novelty  of  self-gov- 
ernment; these  and  other  causes  embarrassed  his 
prospects  and  defeated  some  of  his  designs.  The 
leaders  of  the  opposing  party  in  the  colony  were 
*  Watson,  Vol.  I.  p.  108. 


WILLIAM    PENN  l6l 

David  Lodge,  Colonel  Quarry,*  of  the  customs,  and 
John  Moore.  Their  opposition  showed  itself  in  three 
ways ;  in  refusing  a  pecuniary  support  to  Penn  and 
his  deputies ;  in  embarrassing  the  courts  about  oaths 
or  affirmations ;  and  in  writing  to  England  such  high' 
wrought  accounts  of  the  undefended  and  misman- 
aged condition  of  the  colony,  as  to  have  originated 
and  prolonged  the  design  of  putting  the  government 
directly  under  the  crown. 

The  second  remonstrance  against  Evans,  which 
had  been  sent  to  England,  together  with  the  infor- 
mation brought  to  Penn  by  Isaac  Norris  and  others, 
induced  him,  after  candidly  weighing  the  views  and 
measures  of  both  parties,  to  recall  Evans  in  1708, 
and  to  send  Charles  Gookin  as  his  deputy. f  He 
then  mortgaged  his  province  to  some  Friends,  for 
six  thousand,  six  hundred  pounds.  Thus  tempora- 
rily relieved,  he  devoted  himself  again  to  another1 
ministerial  tour,  and  published  an  introduction  to  the 
works  of  his  eminent  friend,  Bulstrode  Whitelocke. 

Governor  Gookin,  arriving  in  March,  1709,  found 
the  Assembly  in  session,  and,  much  to  his  offence, 
was  anticipated  in  the  business  which  he  would  have 
proposed,  by  an  address  that  entered  at  length  into 

*  Two  memorials  of  Colonel  Quarry  against  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania,  addressed  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  for 
Trade,  with  Penn's  answers,  are  in  "  Memoirs  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.  II.  Pt.  2,  pp.  191,  206. 

f  In  a  letter  to  James  Logan,  written  a  few  months  after  he 
had  sent  Governor  Gookin,  Penn  says,  "  Make  the  most  of  him 
to  friends  and  service.  He  had  hints  enough  to  follow  theirs 
and  thine,  and  was  let  into  every  secret  of  your  affairs  that 
occurred  to  me  at  his  going.  Give  him  measures  of  persons 
and  things."  "  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania," Vol.  I.  pp.  208,  209. 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV. —  II 


162  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

old    grievances,    and    suggested    a   prosecution    of 
Evans  before  he  left  the  country. 

In  June,  Gookin  summoned  the  Assembly  again, 
and,  in  aid  of  the  expedition  designed  by  Queen 
Anne  against  Newfoundland  and  Canada,  asked  for 
one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  with  officers  and  out- 
fit, or  for  an  equivalent  in  four  thousand  pounds. 
The  Assembly  refused  both  proposals,  but  offered  to 
make  a  present  to  the  Queen  of  five  hundred  pounds. 
The  Governor,  greatly  displeased,  adjourned  the 
Assembly  till  August.  At  that  time  he  renewed 
his  demand,  and  the  Assembly  offered  to  add  three 
hundred  pounds  more  to  their  grant  to  the  Queen, 
and  to  give  the  Governor  two  hundred  pounds  be- 
sides. This  was  also  unsatisfactory.  In  the  col- 
lisions which  attended  this  strife,  James  Logan,  an 
honest  and  influential  Quaker,  but  who  doubtless  im- 
proved, as  he  advanced  in  life,  in  some  qualities  of 
temper  and  judgment,  was  impeached  by  the  As- 
sembly, arrested,  and  sentenced  to  punishment.  The 
Assembly  would  not  grant  any  money,  unless  the 
Governor  would  ratify  the  bills,  which  it  had  en- 
acted. The  same  discord  prevailed  in  the  next  ses- 
sion, as  Gookin  would  not  allow  a  bill  to  pass  with- 
out the  approbation  of  the  Council,  and  of  course 
the  Assembly  issued  another  remonstrance.  Logan 
went  to  England,  in  1710,  bearing  to  Penn,  who,  for 
the  best  reasons,  reposed  all  confidence  in  him,  a  full 
statement  of  the  contentions  in  the  Quaker  province. 
It  ought,  however,  to  be  admitted,  that  while  any 
other  than  a  Quaker  province  would  have  been  liable, 
under  like  circumstances,  to  equal  disturbance,  none 


WILLIAM    PENN 


163 


but  a  Quaker  province  could  have  peacefully  endured 
and  flourished  amid  such  strife.  For  it  is  a  remark- 
able fact,  that  this  discord  in  the  government  was 
accompanied  by  a  steadily  increasing  and  fair  pros- 
perity at  large. 

The  representation  made  by  Logan  drew  from 
Penn  an  expostulatory  letter,  addressed  to  the  As- 
sembly, dated  London,  June  29th,  1710.  This  beau- 
tiful and  affecting  document,  written  with  all  the 
magnanimity  and  forbearance  of  the  author,  con- 
tains a  brief  review  of  his  connection  with  the  col- 
ony, his  plans,  sacrifices,  disappointments,  and  griev- 
ances, while  it  earnestly,  but  gently,  administers 
censure,  and  affectionately  appeals  to  all  the  better 
feelings  of  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed.*  This 
letter  produced  a  great  and  good  effect,  as  it  could 
scarcely  fail  to  do.  It  melted  the  hearts  of  all  who 
could  feel  for  the  virtues  and  misfortunes  of  their 
most  devoted  and  disinterested  friend.  The  next 
Assembly,  composed  entirely  of  new  members,  who 
had  not  been  soured  or  heated  by  previous  animosi- 
ties, met  and  proceeded  in  much  harmony. 

In  1711,  Gookin  renewed  the  incessant  request  for 
military  aid  or  money.  The  Assembly  regretted  to 
refuse,  but  consented  to  raise  a  tax  of  two  thousand 
pounds  for  a  present  to  the  Queen.  There  was  far 
from  being  entire  harmony,  for  matters  of  contro- 
versy continually  presented  themselves. 

And  now  the  blessing  of  health,  which,  next  to  his 
faith  and  a  good  conscience,  William  Penn  valued 
most,  and  had  longest  enjoyed,  began  to  fail  him. 
*  Given  by  Proud,  Clarkson,  Hazard,  and  others. 


164  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Cares  and  reverses  may  have  worn  upon  his  good 
constitution;  and  when  his  good  constitution  began 
to  yield  to  human  infirmities,  before  the  period  of 
old  age,  mind  and  body  shared  equally  in  the  de- 
cline. In  1710,  he  fixed  his  residence,  for  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life,  at  Rushcombe.  He  was  con- 
stant in  his  attendance  at  religious  meetings ;  he  con- 
tinued his  large  correspondence,  made  occasional 
visits  to  London,  and,  in  1711,  dictated  a  preface  to 
the  works  of  John  Banks. 

In  1712,  Perm  resolved  to  sell  his  proprietary 
rights  to  the  crown,  and  asked  therefor  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds.  Queen  Anne  referred  him  to  the 
Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations. 
His  purpose  to  sell  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by 
the  crown's  previous  intention  to  purchase.  James 
Logan  began  to  correspond  with  him  upon  the  sub- 
ject as  early  as  1701,  and  Penn  seems  then  to  have 
entertained  the  idea,  though  reluctantly,  and  to  have 
comforted  himself  with  the  thought,  that  though  he 
disposed  of  his  proprietary  rights,  he  should  still 
leave  to  his  children,  for  inheritance,  a  domain  and 
a  burial-place  in  Pennsylvania.  In  1712,  he  had 
completed  arrangements  for  the  transfer,  for  which 
he  was  to  be  paid  twelve  thousand  pounds,  and  had 
already  received  a  partial  payment,  when  a  stroke  of 
apoplexy,  from  which  he  never  wholly  recovered, 
caused  a  failure  of  his  mental  faculties ;  and  the  busi- 
ness was  never  completed,  though  afterwards  at- 
tempted by  him.  His  wife  was  informed,  in  1713, 
that  her  husband  "  might  have  long  since  finished  it, 
had  he  not  insisted  too  much  on  gaining  privileges 


WILLIAM    PENN  165 

for  the  people."  It  was  with  deep  sorrow  that  the 
honored  and  faithful  man  thus  sought  a  refuge  from 
his  perplexities  in  a  measure,  which  wrecked  at  least 
one  darling  hope  of  his  life. 

He  wrote  to  some  Friends  in  Pennsylvania,  on  the 
24th  of  July,  1712,  that  he  was  about  concluding  his 
transfer  to  government.  He  says,  "  But  I  have 
taken  effectual  care,  that  all  the  laws  and  privileges  I 
have  granted  to  you  shall  be  observed  by  the  Queen's 
Governors,  &c.,  and  that  we,  who  are  Friends,  shall 
be  in  a  more  particular  manner  regarded  and  treated 
by  the  Queen.  And  you  will  find  all  the  charters 
and  proprietary  governments  annexed  to  the  crown 
by  Act  of  Parliament  next  winter.  I  purpose  to  see 
you  if  God  give  me  life  this  fall ;  but  I  grow  old  and 
infirm,  yet  would  gladly  see  you  once  more  before  I 
die,  and  my  young  sons  and  daughter  also  settled 
upon  good  tracts  of  land."  &c.* 

Three  successive  apoplectic  attacks  undermined 
the  strong  constitution  of  William  Penn.  His  pow- 
ers of  motion,  and  his  memory  and  mind,  failed  him. 
Amid  the  comforts  of  his  home  at  Rushcombe,  with 
the  assiduous  care  of  his  wife,  and  cheered  by  occa- 
sional visits  of  public  friends,  he  passed  the  remain- 
der of  his  days.  His  last  love  showed  itself  in  his 
attendance  at  religious  meetings ;  and  when  he  could 
no  longer  speak  the  names  of  those  with  whom  he 
had  shared  such  pleasures,  he  could  remember  their 
countenances,  and  feel  the  comfort  which  they  spoke. 
Intervals  of  partial  restoration,  during  six  years,  re- 

*  "  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,"  Vol.   I. 

pp.  210,  211. 


166  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

lieved  him.  Up  to  the  year  1715,  he  attended  meet- 
ings at  Reading,  and  in  1717  could  walk  about  his 
grounds  in  pleasant  weather.  But,  steadily  ap- 
proaching the  hour  of  his  relief  /enjoying  unbroken 
serenity  of  mind  in  every  moment  of  consciousness, 
he  expired  on  the  3<Dth  of  July,  1718,  in  the  seventy- 
fourth  year  of  his  age. 

A  great  concourse  attended  his  funeral,  and  a 
noble  and  affecting  testimony  was  borne  to  his  hon- 
ored life.  He  was  interred  at  Jordan's  in  Bucking- 
hamshire, where  his  former  wife  and  several  of  his 
family  were  buried,  on  the  5th  of  August,  1718. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Respect  borne  to  the  Character  of  William  Penn. — The  As- 
persions cast  upon  him  after  his  Death  by  various  Writers 
considered. — Burner.. — The  State  Papers  of  Nairne. — Lord 
Littleton.  — •  Franklin.  —  Grahame.  — •  General  Est.mate  of 
Perm's  Character. — His  Virtues  and  Services. — His  private 
Life  and  Habits. — Prosperity  of  the  Colony. — The  Descend- 
ants of  Penn. 

THE  protracted  seclusion  and  decline,  which  pre- 
ceded the  decease  of  William  Penn,  were  cheered  by 
the  many  earnest  inquiries  and  respectful  sympathies 
of  a  multitude  of  friends.  The  large  concourse  at 
his  funeral  bore  the  testimony  of  some  of  all  sects 
to  his  singular  liberality  as  a  Christian,  and  his  per- 
fect consistency  as  a  Friend.  His  wife  attended  to 
many  of  his  business  concerns,  and,  after  his  death, 
held  frequent  correspondence  with  the  functionaries 
in  Pennsylvania.  Indeed,  as  will  appear,  she  ad- 
ministered and  governed  the  province  for  her  chil- 
dren during  their  minority. 

But  detraction  did  not  leave  the  last  years  of  Penn 
unassailed,  nor  has  it  wholly  spared  his  memory.  A 
disowned  Quaker  minister  circulated  a  report,  that 
he  died  of  madness  like  to  that  of  Nebuchadnezzar ; 
but  the  idle  tale  was  promptly  refuted.  As  to  the 
imputations  which  have  been  cast  upon  his  public 
career,  including  the  calumnies  of  enemies  and  the 

167 


168  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

misapprehensions  and  prejudices  of  those  who  un- 
designedly  misjudged  him,  but  a  few  words  of  reply 
will  be  thought  necessary.  The  absurd  charge  of 
his  being  a  Jesuit  or  a  Papist  has  been  already 
noticed. 

The  phenomena  of  Penn's  public  career  are  so  re- 
markable, that  it  would  have  been  a  miracle  had  he 
escaped  calumny  and  censure.  That  he  should  have 
been  a  Quaker,  was  a  marvel,  which  almost  stupefied 
those  who  otherwise  would  have  been  his  intimate 
friends.  That,  being  a  Quaker,  and  amenable  to  the 
scorn  and  persecution  visited  on  that  sect,  he  should 
have  shared  the  highest  favor  of  the  court,  and  been 
served  by  ambitious  and  intriguing  statesmen,  was 
another  marvel,  which  few  took  the  pains  to  explain 
consistently  with  his  integrity.  Now,  it  may  fairly 
be  submitted  whether  his  undeniable  virtues  do  not 
offer  the  most  reasonable  and  satisfactory  explana- 
tion of  both  those  marvels.  Conscience  made  him  a 
Quaker,  and  conscience  was  never  sacrificed  in  any 
advantage  which  he  obtained  for  himself  or  for 
others.  His  profession  brought  upon  him  penalties 
enough.  It  would  have  been  hard  if  he  could  not 
avail  himself  of  the  immunities  attendant  upon  that 
profession.  He  suffered  in  behalf  of  the  great  prin- 
ciple of  religious  liberty;  was  he  to  refuse  to  enjoy 
its  blessings,  because  the  Catholics  shared  them  with 
him,  or  because  the  great  charter  of  the  soul  was 
confirmed  only  by  an  arbitrary  act  of  a  monarch  and 
still  needed  to  be  legalized  by  a  Parliament?  * 

*  I  have  not  thought  the  calumny  of  Chalmers  worthy  of  a 
place  in  the  text,  or  that  a  refutation  of  it  is  called  for  even  in 


WILLIAM    PENN  169 

Bishop  Burnet,  in  his  "  History  of  his  Own 
Time,"  has  given  currency  and  permanence  to  the 
charges  against  Penn,  based  upon  his  furtherance  of 
some  of  the  measures  of  James  the  Second.  These 
charges  have  been  sufficiently  noticed  in  the  preced- 
ing pages.  It  may  now  be  left  to  the  admirers  of 
Burnet  to  explain  or  justify  an  act  of  great  mean- 
ness on  his  part.  His  last  mention  of  Penn  is  under 
date  1690,  when  Penn  was  embraced  in  a  procla- 
mation with  others  under  a  false  imputation,  and  is 
said  by  the  Bishop  to  have  "  absconded."  This  last 
word  we  know  to  be  inapplicable  to  Penn's  retire- 
ment from  public  gaze,  though  not  from  the  reach 
of  justice,  should  it  have  sought  him.  But  Burnet 
brought  down  his  History  to  the  year  1713,  and  in 
the  interval  between  1690  and  that  date,  Penn,  as  he 
well  knew,  was  honorably  acquitted,  and  restored  to 
his  government,  and  actually  discharged  it  in  Penn- 
sylvania, enjoyed  the  personal  esteem  of  Queen 
Anne,  travelled  largely  as  a  minister,  mingled  on 
equal  terms  with  the  nobles  and  dignitaries  of  the 
realm,  and  was  sinking  under  the  providential  stroke 
which  brought  him  to  the  grave.  Burnet  also  knew 
that  the  lying  impostor  Fuller,  whose  false  oath  had 
raised  suspicion  against  Penn,  had  been  brought  to  a 
fine  and  to  scorn,  to  the  house  of  correction  and  the 
pillory.  Why,  then,  should  Bishop  Burnet  forget 

a  note.  His  coarse  assault  upon  Penn  is  thus  expressed:  ''  In 
the  meantime,  the  renowned  William  Penn,  the  head  of  a  con- 
siderable party,  a  man  of  great  depth  of  understanding,  at- 
tended by  equal  dissimulation,  of  extreme  interestedness,  ac- 
companied with  insatiable  ambition,  and  of  an  address  in  pro- 
portion to  all  these,  engaged  in  colonization."  Chalmers's 
"  Political  Annals,"  p.  635. 


I/O  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

twenty-three  years  of  his  "  Own  Time,"  with  all 
their  honorable  testimony  to  Penn,  that  he  might 
leave  on  the  page  of  his  History,  as  the  last  word 
connected  with  that  honored  man,  the  charge  that  he 
"absconded"? 

The  charges  against  Penn,  found  in  the  State 
Papers  of  Nairne,  appear  to  involve  him  in  two 
treasonable  attempts  to  restore  the  Stuarts  to  the 
English  throne.  The  charges  rest  upon  the  verbal 
statements  of  spies  and  informers,  and  upon  doubt- 
ful interpretations  of  letters  written  in  ciphers. 
They  relate  to  two  periods,  namely,  December,  1693, 
and  the  year  1713.  They  are  decisively  set  aside  by 
facts.  As  to  the  former  period,  that  was  the  very 
time  at  which  Penn  proved  his  entire  innocence  of  all 
such  charges  before  the  King  and  Council.  As  to 
the  latter  period,  so  far  was  Penn  from  being  then 
in  a  condition  to  plot  as  a  traitor,  that  the  crown 
lawyers  pronounced  him  to  be  incapable,  through 
mental  infirmity,  of  selling  a  piece  of  property. 

Lord  Littleton,  in  his  "  Dialogues  of  the  Dead," 
has  introduced  into  that  between  Cortez  and  Penn 
intimations  that  pecuniary  profit  and  ambition  were 
the  motives,  which  interested  the  latter  in  an  Ameri- 
can province.  It  is  a  pity  that  the  noble  writer  could 
not  have  introduced  a  balance  sheet  from  Penn's  ac- 
counts, showing  how  many  thousand  pounds  his 
speculation  cost  him,  and  also  some  extracts  from 
the  debates  of  the  Pennsylvania  Council  and  Assem- 
bly, which  would  prove  that  Penn's  ambition  took  a 
singular  turn  when  he  allowed  a  feudal  government, 
of  which  he  was  the  lord,  to  become  in  his  hands  a 


WILLIAM    PENN  1/1 

pure  democracy,  which  denied  him  even  his  honest 
debts.  It  would  be  well  if  pecuniary  speculation  and 
ambition  would  always  admit  so  much  of  the  moral 
element,  as  they  found  in  the  noble  sacrifices  of  Wil- 
liam Penn. 

It  is  singular  that  the  meanest  and  most  dishonor- 
able aspersions  cast  on  Penn  should  have  come  from 
his  own  province,  sanctioned  by  one  of  the  most 
renowned  of  the  citizens  of  the  New  World.  These 
aspersions  are  found  in  the  "  Historical  Review  of 
the  Constitution  and  Government  of  Pennsylvania, 
from  its  Origin/'  written  in  1759.  Although  Dr. 
Franklin  was  not  the  author  of  that  volume,  he  was 
the  responsible  voucher  of  those  imputations  of 
worldliness,  self-seeking,  and  exorbitancy  against 
Penn  which  are  found  in  it.*  The  only  shadow  of 
proof  alleged  for  them  is  offered  in  Penn's  reiterated 
demand  for  the  quit-rents,  which  were  a  portion  of 
the  purchase  money  of  all  the  land  sold  by  him.  He 
never  had  a  more  honest  due  than  these.  It  was  to 
the  disgrace  of  his  province  that  they  were  not  paid. 
Even  the  attempt  of  the  Assembly  to  turn  them  to 
the  support  of  the  government  was  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  debt.  By  all  allowances  of  morality 
and  law.  Penn  would  have  been  justified  in  depriving 
all  the  discontents  of  their  estates,  to  which  they  had 
lost  a  legal  title  by  breach  of  contract.  But  he  did 
not  avail  himself  of  that  extreme  power.  He  took 
the  other  extreme,  by  bearing  the  insult  and  the  in- 

*  See  a  letter  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  David  Hume,  in  which 
the  former  denies  the  authorship  of  the  "  Historical  Review." 
and  Mr.  Sparks's  note  upon  it.  Sparks's  "  Franklin,"  Vol. 
VII.  p.  208. 


172  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

jury  with  noble  magnanimity.  This  political  re- 
view was  written  for  a  partisan  purpose.  The  ob- 
ject of  the  author  was  to  heap  obloquy  upon  the 
proprietary  family,  to  make  out  a  case  which  should 
involve  the  successive  owners  of  the  province  in  the 
common  charge  of  mercenary  exaction,  and  to  help 
the  early  stages  of  the  Revolution  in  the  American 
colonies  under  real  wrongs,  by  showing  that  their 
connection  with  England  had  always  caused  them 
trouble.  Franklin,  or  whoever  he  aided  in  the  work, 
wished  to  make  a  complete  argument;  and  so  the 
first  of  the  Penn  name  came  in  for  his  share  of  the 
discredit,  which  was  to  be  visited  on  the  family. 
Under  other  circumstances,  few  men  would  have 
surpassed  Franklin  in  exhibiting  the  character  of  the 
first  Governor  in  all  the  harmony  of  its  distinctions 
and  virtues. 

The  last  writer  deserving  notice  on  this  subject 
is  the  late  excellent  James  Grahame,  author  of  an 
admirable  "  History  of  the  United  States."  This 
writer  has  indeed  spoken  in  exalted  language  of  the 
Quaker  legislator.  After  speaking  of  the  early  re- 
ligious choice  of  Penn,  he  adds,  "  Tt  would  not  be 
easy  to  figure  a  more  interesting  career  than  is  ex- 
hibited in  the  greater  portion  of  his  subsequent  life. 
Everywhere,  from  the  courts  of  German  princes  to 
the  encampments  of  Indian  savages,  we  find  him 
overcoming  evil  by  good,  and  disarming  human  vio- 
lence and  ferocity  by  gentleness,  patience,  and  piety. 
A  mind  so  contemplative,  and  a  life  so  active;  such  a 
mixture  of  mildness  and  resolution,  of  patience  and 
energy,  of  industry  and  genius,  of  lofty  piety  and 


WILLIAM    PENN 

profound  sagacity,  have  rarely  been  exemplified  in 
the  records  of  human  character."  More  of  the  same 
noble  praise  is  freely  accorded  by  the  pure  and  high- 
minded  Grahame.  But  he  feels  compelled  to  shade 
it  afterwards.  While  the  Scotch  Presbyterian 
judges  according  to  his  sincere  and  rigid  faith  of  the 
tenets  of  Quakerism,  he  also  shares  some  of  that  feel- 
ing which  challenged  Penn  in  his  lifetime  for  his  in- 
fluence with  King  James,  and  for  his  mode  of  acced- 
ing to  the  measures  of  that  monarch. 

Grahame  was  moved  to  qualify  "  the  unmixed 
and  unmerited  encomium  which  Penn's  character  and 
labors  have  received,"  and  then  proceeds  to  reflect 
upon  him  for  cultivating  the  friendship  of  a  tyrant ; 
for  improving  the  exercise  of  arbitrary  power  to  his 
own  private  ends,  in  opposition  to  the  rights  of  oth- 
ers ;  for  asking  favors  from  hands  imbrued  with  the 
blood  of  his  friends ;  and  for  being  an  actual  abettor 
on  the  wrong  side  in  various  issues  of  his  time.* 
That  there  was  ground  for  all  these  imputations  the 
preceding  pages  will  show.  But  that  this  ground  is 
just,  and  will  sustain  these  charges  fairly  and  fully, 

*  Grahame's  "  History  of  the  United  States."  London  edi- 
tion, Vol.  II.  pp.  3I3-3I9- 

Even  Gordon,  in  his  "  History  of  Pennsylvania,"  has  re- 
iterated, though  in  somewhat  softened  terms,  the  more  common 
imputations  upon  Penn's  sincerity  and  worth,  laying  the  chief 
stress  upon  his  alleged  ambition,  worldliness,  love  of  court 
pleasures,  and  distaste  for  a  quiet  life.  See  Gordon,  pp.  71, 
83-88,  and  176. 

For  a  satisfactory  refutation  of  the  mistakes  and  reflections 
most  discreditable  to  Penn,  the  reader  is  referred  to  "  An  Ex- 
amination of  the  various  Charges  brought  by  Historians  against 
William  Penn,  both  as  a  Man,  and  as  a  political  Governor,  by 
J.  R.  Tyson."  in  "  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Penn- 
sylvania," Vol.  II.  Pt.  II.  pp.  127-157. 


174  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

the  reader  of  these  pages  will  hardly  decide  in  the 
affirmative.  The  decision  is  left  to  him.  It  is 
enough  to  add  of  them  here,  that  they  are  utterly 
inconsistent  with  the  praise  which  Grahame  has  so 
honorably  ascribed  to  Penn.  Such  contrarieties  of 
character,  as  would  deserve  both  the  praise  and  the 
censure,  were  never  yet  found  in  a  human  being. 

To  set  against  the  above  mentioned  aspersions 
upon  William  Penn  the  encomiums  which  his  sin- 
gular excellence  and  his  career  would  justify,  would 
be  a  pleasing  work.  But  when  a  man's  life  and 
labors  speak  his  praise,  words  may  be  spared,  and 
epithets  are  only  dross,  which  do  not  make  a  part 
of  the  precious  metal  of  virtue.  The  single  fault, 
which  appears  most  prominent  in  his  character,  is 
that  of  a  lavish  improvidence  in  managing  his  pe- 
cuniary affairs.  He  bestowed  gifts  when  he  was 
compelled  to  borrow  the  means.  He  remitted  his 
own  honest  dues  when  his  creditors  or  his  depen- 
dents pressed  their  claims.  He  intrusted  to  a  cun- 
ning and  deceitful  steward  the  control  of  matters, 
which  he  ought  to  have  kept  in  his  own  hands.  Had 
he  waited  less  upon  the  court  for  the  benefit  of  oth- 
ers, his  own  interests  would  not  have  suffered  so 
:;  much.  He  risked  bankruptcy  for  the  sake  of 
liberality. 

Penn  was  far  from  being  insensible  of  the  great 
sacrifices  of  social  and  personal  considerations  which 
he  had  made  by  identifying  himself  with  the  Qua- 
kers. He  might  have  been  a  peer  of  the  realm.  That 
honor  was  indeed  intended  for  his  family;  but  he 
yielded  not  only  that  prospect,  but  also  the  actual 


WILLIAM    PENN  1/5 

dignity  of  his  standing  in  the  artificial  scale  of  social 
rank.  There  are  frequent  passages  in  his  letters  and 
other  writings,  showing  how  the  spirit  of  the  Chris- 
tian Friend  got  the  better  of  the  pride  of  the  English 
gentleman. 

The  solid  claims  which  may  be  advanced  in  be- 
half of  Penn,  as  one  of  the  few  of  the  eminent  and 
pure,  one  of  the  very  few  of  the  innocently  great  of 
this  earth,  rest  upon  the  substantial  foundations  of 
virtue  and  wisdom,  which  are  appreciated  through- 
out the  world.  He  pursued  exalted  aims,  drawn 
from  the  most  advanced  attainments  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived,  and  anticipating  the  light  of  an  after- 
time.  Three  great  principles  controlled  his  mind 
and  cheered  his  heart :  reverence  for  God,  love  for 
man.  and  confidence  in  freedom.  If,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  worldly  minded  and  politic  statesmen, 
Penn's  theory  of  government  is  distrusted,  or 
thought  inefficient,  it  is  because  of  the  predominance 
in  it  of  the  moral  element,  both  as  the  >end  and  the 
means.  He  made  schools  of  industry  out  of  his 
prisons ;  and  when  English  law  visited  death  upon 
many  petty  offences,  he  confined  the  penalty  to  wil- 
ful and  deliberate  murder,  allowing  it  in  this  case 
only  because  he  understood  the  law  of  God  as  re- 
quiring it.  His  intense  interest  in  the  Indians, 
which  led  him  even  to  dance  at  one  of  their  festivals, 
and  his  scrupulous  justice  toward  them,  which  made 
their  pagan  hearts  revere  him,  form  the  most  pleas- 
ing narrative  in  the  whole  history  of  the  intercourse 
between  the  savages  and  the  whites.  His  early  care 
for  the  negro  slaves  led  him  to  suggest  a  measure  in 


176  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

their  behalf  which  would  have  insured  the  entire 
abolition  of  slavery. 

Penn  excelled  in  the  best  of  human  qualities.  He 
was  free  from  vice.  His  natural  powers  were  of  a 
high  order ;  his  acquired  advantages  were  large  and 
various,  embracing  bodily  strength,  learning,  wis- 
dom, and  discretion,  as  the  furniture  of  his  mind, 
with  the  richest  and  most  attractive  graces  of  the 
heart.  As  a  writer,  he  used  few  images,  but  em- 
ployed a  wide  compass  of  language.  He  makes  con- 
stant references  to  the  Scriptures,  but  always  quotes 
them  in  their  natural  sense,  with  no  forced  applica- 
tions. The  titles  of  all  his  known  publications  have 
been  given  in  the  preceding  pages,  under  their  re- 
'spective  dates. 

They  who  conceive  of  Penn  as  a  sanctimonious 
and  rigid  zealot,  with  a  stiffened  countenance,  a 
formal  garb,  and  a  frowning  look  cast  upon  the  in- 
nocent pleasures  and  good  things  of  life,  would  go 
wide  of  the  truth.  He  was  quite  a  gentleman  in  his 
dress  and  manner  of  life,  in  his  furniture  and  equi- 
page. He  loved  manly  sports ;  he  could  hunt  and 
angle.  Dean  Swift  says,  that  "  he  talked  very 
agreeably  and  with  great  spirit."  Another  con- 
temporary testimony,  that  which  the  Friends  at 
Reading  Meeting  (where  he  attended  most  in  his 
last  years)  bore  to  him  after  his  death,  says,  "  he  was 
facetious  in  conversation."  We  learn  from  other 
sources  that  he  loved  a  good  joke,  and  knew  how  to 
make  one.  An  instance  has  already  been  given  of 
his  common  habit,  in  his  correspondence,  of  avoid- 
ing thee  and  thou  by  circumlocutions,  when  he 
thought  it  would  be  disagreeable  and  offensive. 


WILLIAM    PENN  177 

Penn  wore  buckles  and  wigs ;  he  had  silk,  damask, 
and  silver  ornaments  in  his  household;  he  kept  a 
rich  coach  and  a  stately  barge,  a  calash  and  saddle 
horses,  and  used  some  measure  of  pomp  and  cere- 
mony in  his  acts  of  government.  He  had  a  fine 
mansion  at  Pennsbury,  and  a  manor  at  Springett- 
bury,  with  rich  gardens,  and  stock  of  high  breeds. 
He  does  frequently  censure  the  luxurious  cookery  of 
his  time;  but  his  cash  books  afford  existing  evidence 
that  his  portly  frame  had  not  been  fed  on  air  and 
water  alone.  System,  and  method,  and  good  order 
presided  over  the  domestic  arrangements  of  Penn, 
and  thrice  in  every  day  the  household  were  called 
together  for  religious  exercises.  Cheerfulness  and 
sincerity  characterized  the  piety  of  William  Penn.* 
On  the  first  General  Meeting  of  Friends,  held  after 
the  news  of  his  decease,  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  i6th 
of  March,  1719,  "a  testimony  of  Friends  in  Penn- 
sylvania, concerning  their  deceased  friend  and  Gov- 
ernor, William  Penn,"  was  given  forth,  bearing 
fifty  signatures.  It  expresses  his  virtues  in  those 
calm  and  measured  phrases,  which  distinguish  the 
best  of  such  documents.! 

*  See  "  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania," 
Vol.  III.  Pt.  II.  pp.  67-104,  for  "  A  Discourse  on  the  private 
Life  and  domestic  Habits  of  William  Penn,  by  J.  Francis 
Fisher."  This  is  a  most  choice  and  delightful  specimen  of  a 
kind  of  writing,  which  v/e  desire  above  all  other  kinds  as  the 
memorial  of  distinguished  men.  Mr.  Fisher  has  most  profit- 
ably used  materials,  which  his  diligent  labors  acquired. 

In  the  same  volume,  pp.  213-231,  is  "  A  Memoir  of  Part  of 
the  Life  of  William  Penn,  by  Mr.  Lawton,"  which  is  devoted 
exclusively  to  exhibiting  Penn's  honest  use  of  his  court 
influence. 

f  See  ''  The  Friends'  Library,"  Vol.  V.  pp.  327,  328.  Philadel- 
phia, 1841.  There  is  no  proof  of  Bancroft's  assertion,  ("  His- 
A.  B.,  VOL.  IV. —  12 


178  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

In  spite  of  its  frequent  political  jars  and  bicker- 
ings, the  province  of  Pennsylvania  was,  at  the  time 
of  its  founder's  death,  a  monument  to  his  wisdom 
and  benevolence.  It  numbered  then  a  population  of 
sixty  thousand,  and  Philadelphia  alone  contained 
fourteen  hundred  houses.  The  province  continued 
to  be  owned  and  governed  by  the  Penn  family  until 
the  War  of  the  Revolution.  It  is  a  somewhat  re- 
markable fact,  that  William  Penn  should  not  have 
had  a  single  descendant  who  embraced  his  own  re- 
ligious views.  Were  it  worth  the  while  to  enter  into 
any  inquiries  or  speculations  upon  this  point,  per- 
haps it  would  not  be  difficult  to  offer  some  reason- 
able explanation  of  the  fact,  founded  upon  the 
known  characteristics  of  human  nature.  But,  waiv- 
ing such  an  inquiry,  it  is  enough  for  us  to  know,  that 
it  was  not  for  the  want  of  consistency  or  attractive- 
ness in  the  religious  character  of  the  father,  that  his 
children  deserted  the  Society  for  which  he  had 
labored  with  such  earnest  devotion.  It  is  enough 
to  know,  that  he  was  faithful  to  it,  and  happy  in  it, 
to  the  end. 

The  children  of  William  Penn  by  his  first  mar- 
riage were  five,  and  by  his  second  marriage  six.  Of 
the  first  family,  Mary  and  Hannah  died  in  infancy. 
The  amiable  and  virtuous  Springett,  the  eldest  child, 
and  the  pride  of  his  father,  died,  as  before  stated,  in 
1696,  at  the  age  of  twenty.  Lsetitia  married  Wil- 
liam Aubrey,  and  died  childless.  The  visit  of  Wil- 

tory  of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  II.  p.  403,)  that  Penn  lived  and 
died  a  holder  of  slaves.  The  utmost  that  can  be  shown,  by  the 
evidence  of  documents  and  Penn's  cash  books,  is,  that  he  hired 
a  few,  the  slaves  of  others. 


WILLIAM    PENN  179 

liam  Penn,  Jun.,  to  Pennsylvania,  with  its  disagree- 
able consequences,  has  been  already  noticed.  He 
was  an  inexpressible  grief  to  his  father.  After  his 
return  to  England,  he  continued  to  run  the  riot  of 
dissipation,  with  its  attendant  sins.  He  joined  the 
Episcopal  communion,  and  endeavored  in  vain  to 
obtain  a  place  in  the  army  and  the  navy,  and  a  seat 
in  Parliament.  He  undertook,  in  opposition  to  his 
father's  will,  which  made  his  stepmother  executrix, 
to  assume  the  government  of  Pennsylvania.  At 
last,  leaving  his  wife  and  children  to  be  maintained 
at  the  family  seat  at  Rushcombe,  he  went  to  France, 
to  avoid  his  creditors,  and  died  there  in  1720.  His 
son,  Springett  Penn,  the  grandson  of  William  Penn, 
and  the  last  male  issue  of  his  first  wife,  died  in  Lon- 
don, in  1767. 

Of  the  children  of  Penn's  second  marriage, 
Hannah  and  Dennis  died  in  infancy,  and  John, 
Thomas,  Margaret,  and  Richard  survived  him. 
John,  the  only  one  of  the  family  born  in  America, 
was  never  married.  He  was  brought  up  as  a  linen 
merchant,  in  Bristol,  England.  He  made  a  visit  to 
Pennsylvania,  in  1734,  and,  as  a  Churchman,  gave 
a  service  of  plate  to  the  church  in  Lewistown.  His 
sister,  Mrs.  Margaret  Frseme,  came  with  him ;  and, 
as  Thomas  Penn  had  come  two  years  before,  all  of 
the  second  family,  except  Richard,  were  in  the  coun- 
try at  one  time. 

A  daughter  of  Thomas  Penn  married  Archbishop 
Stuart,  of  Armagh,  primate  of  Ireland;  so  strange 
are  the  alterations  of  principle  and  preference,  even 
in  those  of  the  same  blood. 


ISO  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

John,  the  son  of  Richard  Penn,  was  made  Gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania,  in  1763,  on  behalf  of  his 
father  and  his  uncle  Thomas;  his  uncle  John  being- 
then  dead.  He  continued  to  be  Governor  until  the 
War  of  the  Revolution.  He  died,  and  was  buried 
in  Bucks  county,  in  1795  ;  but  his  remains  were  af- 
terwards disinterred,  and  carried  to  England.  Not 
one  of  the  Penn  family  has  a  grave  on  this  side  of 
the  ocean. 

John  Penn,  the  eldest  son  of  Thomas,  (who  was 
the  second  son  by  the  second  marriage  of  the 
Quaker,)  was  a  man  of  some  distinction  in  litera- 
ture. His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of 
Pomfret,  and  he  was  greatly  and  worthily  interested 
in  his  ancestral  colony  before,  and  during,  and  after, 
the  Revolution.  In  1790,  Parliament  granted  to  the 
family  an  annuity  of  four  thousand  pounds,  on  ac- 
count of  their  loss  by  the  war.  This  John  Penn 
visited  Pennsylvania  after  the  Revolution,  and  died 
at  an  advanced  age,  at  Stoke  Park,  Bucks,  England, 
in  1834.  His  brother,  Granville  Penn,  inherited  the 
English  estate,  and  wrote  the  life  of  the  Admiral, 
which  has  been  referred  to  in  these  pages. 

By  the  will  of  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania,  made 
before  he  had  agreed  upon  the  terms  of  its  sale  to 
the  crown,  he  left  to  his  son  William  his  English  and 
Irish  estates,  and  to  his  other  children  and  widow  all 
his  American  rights  and  possessions.  These  pro- 
prietors, as  we  have  seen,  made  visits  and  transient 
abodes  here ;  but  the  chief  interest,  which  the  family 
of  Penn  will  ever  have  with  Americans,  gathers 
around  the  single  character  and  the  eminent  virtues 
of  the  Quaker  son  of  an  English  Admiral. 


LIFE    OF 

JAMES     OGLETHORPE 

THE 

FOUNDER    OF    GEORGIA 


BY 


WILLIAM  B.  O.  PEABODY 


PREFACE 


THE  materials  for  a  Life  of  Oglethorpe.  so  far  as 
they  relate  to  the  events  which  have  chiefly  con- 
tributed to  his  renown,  the  establishment  and  colo- 
nization of  Georgia,  are  abundant  and  authentic. 
Numerous  tracts,  containing  official  documents,  let- 
ters, and  journals,  were  printed  at  the  time,  the 
original  editions  of  some  of  which  have  been  con- 
sulted in  preparing  the  following  memoir.  A  collec- 
tion of  these  tracts  has  likewise  recently  been  repub- 
lished  by  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,  in  two 
volumes,  with  contributions  from  some  of  its  mem- 
bers, forming  together  not  only  an  honorable  tribute 
to  the  memory  of  the  founder  of  Georgia,  but  a  rich 
treasure  of  facts  illustrative  of  the  early  history  of 
that  State,  which,  though  the  last  of  the  old  Thirteen 
that  \vas  erected  into  a  body  politic,  has  by  no  means 
been  the  least  conspicuous  among  them  in  the  sup- 
port it  has  yielded  to  the  fabric  of  American  Inde- 
pendence and  Union. 

The  Life  of  Oglethorpe,  by  the  Reverend  Dr. 
Harris,  claims  high  respect  and  confidence,  not  more 
on  account  of  the  author's  well-known  fidelity  and 
habits  of  research,  than  of  his  clear  and  judicious 

3 


IV  PREFACE 

method.  If  any  reader's  curiosity  should  be 
prompted,  by  this  brief  sketch,  to  extend  his  inquiries 
further,  particularly  on  points  of  historical  interest, 
he  will  find  it  amply  gratified  by  the  perusal  of  the 
more  copious  and  elaborate  pages  of  that  work. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE 


CHAPTER  I 

Time  of  Oglethorpe's  Birth. — His  early  military  Service. — 
Connection  with  Prince  Eugene. — Siege  of  Belgrade. — Mem- 
ber of  Parliament. — Abuses  of  Prisons. — His  Parliamentary 
Services. 

"  One,  driven  by  strong  benevolence  of  soul, 
Shall  fly,  like  Oglethorpe,  from  pole  to  pole." 

THESE  were  two  of  those  pointed  lines  with  which 
Pope  would  embalm  the  memory  of  those  whom  he 
delighted  to  honor.  Some  of  them  would  soon  have 
passed  into  forgetfulness  without  his  commemora- 
tion ;  but  not  so  with  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 
While  living,  he  was  greatly  venerated  for  his  gen- 
erous and  philanthropic  spirit;  and,  since  his  death, 
his  fame  has  been  growing  as  fast  as  men  have 
learned  to  honor  those  who  serve  and  bless  them 
above  the  men  who  injure  and  destroy.  Under  the 
dictation  of  that  religion,  which  makes  usefulness 
the  measure  of  greatness,  those  who  manifest  the 
same  energy  in  benevolent  enterprises,  which  others 
display  in  works  of  blood,  are  rising  in  estimation, 

5 


6  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

inspiring  enthusiasm  unknown  to  former  ages ;  and 
the  time  will  come  when  all  rivals  will  leave  to  them 
the  field  of  glory  as  rightfully  their  own. 

General  Oglethorpe  was,  in  some  respects,  advan- 
tageously distinguished  from  common  philanthro- 
pists ;  they  are  too  apt,  as  we  often  have  occasion  to 
see,  to  fix  their  whole  attention  on  a  single  object, 
never  looking  at  it  in  its  relation  to  others,  and, 
therefore,  exaggerating  it  out  of  its  true  place  and 
proportion;  contending  with  one  great  social  evil  as 
if  there  was  no  other  in  the  world,  and  expressing 
impatience  and  contempt  for  all  whose  sympathies  do 
not  go  with  them.  It  may  have  been,  in  part,  his 
practical  education  which  saved  him  from  this  com- 
mon error.  Such  a  tendency  would  also  have  been 
counteracted  in  him  by  his  natural  largeness  of  heart. 
Certain  it  is,  that  he  was  open  as  day  to  every  claim 
of  charity,  and  ready  to  cheer  others  onward  in  every 
attempt  to  improve  the  condition  and  character  of 
their  fellowmen.  He  kept  himself  free  from  that 
stain  of  selfish  ambition  by  which  philanthropy  is 
sometimes  dishonored ;  which  deprives  it  of  all  the 
beauty  of  holiness,  and  destroys  more  than  half  its 
power. 

JAMES  OGLETHORPE  wras  the  son  of  Sir  Theophi- 
lus  Oglethorpe,  of  Godalming,  in  the  county  of  Sur- 
rey, England.  His  mother  was  Eleanor,  daughter 
of  Richard  Wall,  of  Rogane,  Ireland.  The  time  of 
his  birth  was,  for  some  years,  a  matter  of  debate. 
When  he  died,  some  of  the  public  prints  stated  that 
he  was  one  hundred  and  two  years  of  age;  others 
made  him  still  older.  But  Mr.  Sparks,  in  1840,  ex- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  7 

amined  the  register  of  baptisms  in  the  vestry  of  St. 
James,  Westminster,  where  it  appeared  that  he  was 
baptized  on  the  2d  of  June,  1689;  and  in  the  same 
register  it  is  stated,  that  he  was  born  on  the  ist  of 
that  month.  Dr.  Harris,  however,  produces  the 
record  of  his  admission  to  college,  dated  July,  1704, 
in  which  he  is  represented  as  then  sixteen  years  old. 
The  only  way  of  reconciling  these  conflicting  ac- 
counts, is,  to  suppose,  with  Dr.  Harris,  that  there  is 
an  error  in  the  record,  as  to  the  day  of  his  birth,  and 
that  he  was  born  in  1688,  probably  in  December; 
since  we  learn  that  his  birthday  was  celebrated  on 
the  2 ist  of  that  month,  in  Georgia;  and  that  his 
baptism  was  deferred,  on  account  of  the  season,  to 
the  summer  of  the  succeeding  year.  He  died  in 
1785,  and,  as  he  had  for  years  been  a  sort  of  wonder, 
on  account  of  his  vigor  and  fine  appearance,  it  is  not 
strange  that  his  age  should  have  been  overstated. 
Hannah  More  speaks  of  meeting  him,  when  he  was 
much  more  than  ninety  years  of  age,  in  the  social  and 
literary  circles  of  London,  where  he  showed  the  same 
taste,  enjoyment,  and  power  of  conversation,  as  in 
former  days.  This  was  sufficiently  marvellous ;  and 
what  more  natural  than  to  speak  of  one,  as  a  hun- 
dred years  old,  who  had  so  nearly  finished  his 
century  ? 

He  was  admitted  a  member  of  Corpus  Christi  Col- 
lege, Oxford;  but  it  seems  that  the  passion  for  ac- 
tivity and  enterprise  prevailed  in  the  family ;  for  two 
of  his  brothers  left  a  literary  to  engage  in  the  martial 
profession,  and  he  was  not  slow  to  follow  their  ex- 
ample. His  first  appointment  was  that  of  ensign. 


8  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

His  commission  is  dated  in  1710,  and  he  held  that 
rank  till  peace  was  proclaimed,  in  1713.  After  this 
he  appears  to  have  been  in  the  suite  of  the  Earl  of 
Peterborough,  ambassador  to  Sicily  and  other  Italian 
States,  to  which  he  travelled  in  company  with  the 
celebrated  Berkeley.  It  is  not  easy  to  trace  the  in- 
fluences which  determine  what  any  life  shall  be;  but 
such  was  the  profound  impression  which  that 
heavenly  man  made  on  all  who  approached  him,  such 
was  his  genius,  his  humility,  and  his  love  for  the 
souls  of  men,  that  we  can  easily  imagine  a  heart  like 
Oglethorpe's,  naturally  generous,  and  still  unworn 
and  tender,  receiving  a  direction  towards  benevo- 
lence which  no  time  could  wear  away. 

In  the  succeeding  year,  he  was  connected  with  the 
Queen's  Guards.  At  that  time,  he  appears  to  have 
made  a  favorable  impression  on  the  Duke  of  Marl- 
borough  by  his  personal  beauty  and  grace,  and  still 
more  by  his  courage  and  manly  bearing.  By  him 
and  the  Duke  of  Argyle  he  was  recommended  to 
Prince  Eugene,  who  received  him  into  his  service  as 
secretary  and  aide-de-camp,  an  office  which  brought 
him  near  the  person  of  that  great  military  chief. 
This  high  place  was  not  without  its  inspiration,  and 
he  appears  to  have  made  good  use  of  the  advantages 
it  afforded  to  establish  his  character  by  many  acts 
of  gallantry  and  skill,  and  also  to  acquire  that  fa- 
miliar knowledge  of  tactics  and  discipline,  which 
was  of  essential  service  to  him  in  later  days.  Noth- 
ing could  be  more  brilliant  than  the  campaigns 
against  the  Turks,  in  which  he  bore  a  part.  He 
gained  the  praise  of  his  illustrious  general,  which 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  9 

was  never  given  lightly,  and  which,  therefore,  it  was 
a  high  honor  to  secure  and  to  deserve. 

In  the  next  year,  though  they  had  suffered  severe- 
ly, the  Turks  determined  to  renew  the  war.  The 
forces  of  Prince  Eugene  were  again  in  motion,  and  a 
blow  was  struck  at  the  very  heart  of  their  power,  by 
the  siege  of  Belgrade.  The  Turks  came  to  its  relief, 
and  besieged  him  in  his  camp ;  but  while  he  was  al- 
most given  over  as  lost,  he  made  a  sally,  fell  suddenly 
on  the  enemy,  defeated  them  with  great  slaughter, 
and  took  their  cannon,  baggage,  and  military  stores, 
after  which  Belgrade  at  once  surrendered.  On  the 
1 6th  of  August,  1/17,  the  capitulation  was  signed; 
the  Imperialists  took  possession  of  a  gate  and  out- 
works, and  on  the  22d  the  Turks  quitted  the  city. 
This  was  the  closing  scene  of  that  bloody  and  dis- 
astrous war.  Oglethorpe  was  in  active  command  at 
the  siege  and  the  battle,  and,  as  contemporary  au- 
thorities declare,  conducted  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
gain  a  large  measure  of  renown. 

But  there  was  no  further  demand  for  his  services 
in  that  quarter;  peace  was  made  between  the  Em- 
peror and  the  Sultan,  and  the  armies  on  both  sides 
were  withdrawn.  He  wras  offered  rank  and  station 
in  the  German  service;  but  when  it  no  longer  pre- 
sented an  opportunity  of  active  duty  and  improve- 
ment, it  had  lost  also  its  former  attraction.  He 
therefore  returned  to  England,  and,  in  the  year  1722, 
succeeded  his  brother  Lewis  in  the  estate  at  Godal- 
ming,  he  having  been  mortally  wounded  in  the  battle 
of  Schellenberg,  several  years  before. 

This  military  history  of  Oglethorpe  was  the  early 


IO  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

romance  of  his  life.  It  was  not  till  this  was  over  that 
its  useful  reality  began.  His  character,  which  was 
already  high,  and  the  influence  of  his  family,  enabled 
him  to  secure  a  place  in  Parliament,  as  member  for 
Hazlemere ;  a  place  which  he  held,  by  successive  elec- 
tions, for  the  long  term  of  thirty-two  years.  His 
great  ambition  was  to  be  useful.  To  the  praise  of 
eloquence  he  never  aspired,  though  he  at  all  times 
expressed  his  opinions  with  fluency,  manliness,  and 
strength.  He  never  could  consent  to  be  the  slave  of 
any  party ;  and  when  the  cause  of  humanity  required 
an  advocate,  he  always  stepped  forward  as  its  active 
and  faithful  friend.  His  first  recorded  speech  was 
against  the  banishment  of  the  famous  Atterbury;  a 
measure  which  he  considered  hasty  and  needlessly 
severe. 

It  was  not  long  after  this,  that  he  commenced  that 
series  of  labors  in  the  cause  of  humanity  which  have 
given  so  much  lustre  to  his  name.  He  happened,  on 
one  occasion,  to  visit  Sir  William  Rich,  then  con- 
fined for  debt  in  the  Fleet  Prison,  and  was  astonished 
to  find  him  loaded  with  chains,  deprived  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  and  treated  in  all  respects  like  a  male- 
factor. Disgusted  with  this  inhumanity,  and  with 
the  system  which  intrusted  such  power  to  unworthy 
hands,  he  determined  to  expose  and  prevent  such 
abuses,  and,  for  that  purpose,  he  brought  forward  a 
motion  in  Parliament  to  inquire  into  the  condition 
of  all  the  prisons  in  the  city ;  a  difficult  attempt,  since 
the  few,  who  are  interested  to  suppress  investigation, 
can  always  secure  the  sympathy  of  the  indifferent, 
and  thus  create  a  resistance,  which  courage  and 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  II 

energy  are  required  to  overcome.  He  knew  that 
none  would  covet  this  thankless  office,  and  that,  if  he 
presented  the  subject  to  Parliament,  he  must  be  the 
one  to  carry  the  undertaking  through.  He  did  not 
shrink  from  the  duty ;  the  motion  prevailed,  and,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  a 
committee  assigned  for  the  purpose.  Together  with 
his  coadjutors,  he  was  sternly  faithful  to  the  trust. 
The  corrupt  practices,  and  the  base  treatment  of  pris- 
oners, which  had  been  so  common,  were  thoroughly 
investigated,  and  the  offenders,  to  whom  they  were 
traced  home,  were  prosecuted  with  the  utmost  rigor 
of  the  law. 

It  was  no  small  thing  for  a  man,  standing  in  such 
a  social  position,  to  turn  coldly  away  from  the  com- 
mon walks  of  ambition  to  one  which  there  are  very 
few  to  tread,  and  where  there  is  little  prospect  of 
gratitude  or  fame ;  but  he  had  his  reward  in  the  suc- 
cess which  attended  his  labors.  The  proceedings 
were  made  as  public  as  possible,  that  they  might 
serve  as  a  general  warning ;  and  the  effect  of  it  was 
seen,  for  a  time,  in  the  improved  condition  of  prison- 
ers throughout  the  land.  Nor  was  the  tribute  of  ap- 
plause withheld  from  efforts  so  conscientious  and 
deserving.  These  labors  were  alluded  to  by  Thom- 
son, in  his  "  Winter,"  in  language  which  breathes 
the  universal  feeling. 

"  And  here  can  I  forget  the  generous  band, 
Who,  touched  with  human  woe,  redressive  searched 
Into  the  horrors  of  the  gloomy  jail, 
Where  misery  moans  unpitied  and  unheard, 
Where  sickness  pines,  where  thirst  and  hunger  burn, 
And  poor  misfortune  feels  the  lash  of  vice?  " 


12  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

But  Oglethorpe  was  not  the  man  to  be  weary  in  well- 
doing, because  he  enjoyed  the  triumph  of  immediate 
success.  He  felt  that  the  tendency  to  relapse,  in 
such  cases,  would  soon  place  all  where  it  was  before, 
unless  a  better  system  should  be  established,  and  a 
deeper  sympathy  with  the  unfortunate  spread 
throughout  the  land.  He  was  particularly  touched 
with  the  sufferings  of  poor  debtors,  who,  though 
they  were  often  guilty  of  no  crime  but  improvidence, 
and  not  always  even  of  that,  were  thrown  into  prison 
without  the  prospect  of  release,  and  there  treated  as 
if  they  had  been  delivered  over  to  the  tormentors. 
The  wretched  condition  of  these  persons  weighed 
heavily  on  his  heart;  he  studied  out  some  way  in 
which  he  might  render  them  effectual  and  permanent 
aid,  and  this  undoubtedly  led  him  on  to  the  original 
suggestion  of  that  great  enterprise,  to  which  the  best 
of  his  life  was  given,  and  which  is  now  the  founda- 
tion of  his  enviable  renown. 

In  the  common  proceedings  of  Parliament  he  took 
an  active  and  interested  part,  not  submitting  his  con- 
science, however,  to  those  common  and  absurd  max- 
ims which  would  make  everyone  a  slave  to  party. 
He  received  no  opinions  at  second-hand ;  he  used  his 
own  mind  for  himself,  and  whatever  measures  he 
thought  right  he  approved  without  the  least  regard 
to  the  satisfaction  or  displeasure  of  other  men.  In 
this  he  is  an  example  for  legislators,  and  it  is  encour- 
aging to  see,  as  we  may,  that  he  who  evidently  con- 
sults his  conscience,  however  wayward  and  wrong- 
headed,  at  times,  he  may  be,  and  whatever  offence 
he  may  give  to  others,  is  sure  to  be  honored  at  last. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  13 

In  1/31,  the  King's  speech  was  the  subject  of  debate, 
and  some  members,  of  whom  Oglethorpe  was  one, 
while  they  acquiesced  in  the  vote  of  thanks,  were 
unwilling  to  do  anything  implying  confidence  in  the 
ministry,  whose  course  they  did  not  fully  approve. 
Smollett  says :  "  Mr.  Oglethorpe,  a  gentleman  of 
unblemished  character,  brave,  generous,  and  hu- 
mane, affirmed  that  many  other  things  related  more 
immediately  to  the  interest  and  honor  of  the  nation 
than  did  the  guaranty  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction. 
He  said,  he  wished  to  have  heard  that  the  new  works 
at  Dunkirk  had  been  entirely  razed  and  destroyed; 
that  the  nation  had  received  full  and  complete  satis- 
faction for  the  depredations  committed  by  Spain; 
that  more  care  was  taken  to  discipline  the  militia,  on 
whose  valor  the  nation  must  chiefly  depend  in  case 
of  invasion ;  and  that  some  regard  had  been  shown  to 
the  oppressed  Protestants  of  Germany.  He  ex- 
pressed his  satisfaction,  however,  to  find  that  the 
English  were  not  so  closely  united  to  the  French  as 
formerly,  for  he  had  observed,  that,  when  two  dogs 
were  in  a  leash  together,  the  stronger  generally  ran 
away  with  the  other;  and  this,  he  feared,  had  been 
the  case  between  France  and  Great  Britain."  * 

This  is  given  as  a  specimen  of  his  manner  of 
speaking;  plain,  direct,  and  manly,  with  entire  in- 
difference to  rhetorical  display,  and  using  such  illus- 
trations as  came  to  hand,  however  familiar  they 
might  be.  But  the  expressions  of  concern  for  the 

*  Smollett's  "  History  of  England,"  Book  II.  Chap.  4.  The 
speech  may  be  seen  in  the  "  Parliamentary  History,"  Vol.  VIII. 
P-  875. 


14  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

German  Protestants  were  characteristic  of  his  habit- 
ual feeling;  he  manifested  an  interest  in  those,  who, 
from  their  political  insignificance,  were  not  likely  to 
secure  a  place  in  the  cold  hearts  of  statesmen;  and 
that  it  was  not  a  flourish  of  eloquence  intended  for 
effect,  was  shown  by  the  zeal  with  which  he  after- 
wards endeavored  to  serve  these  persons,  and  the 
warmth  with  which  he  welcomed  them  to  a  trans- 
atlantic home.  It  seemed  to  him,  that  an  asylum 
abroad  would  be  the  fit  resting-place,  not  only  for 
poor  debtors  and  persecuted  sects,  but  for  all  who 
were  destitute,  disheartened,  and  cast  down.  Hope 
was  to  be  found  there,  only  where  the  depressing  in- 
fluences under  which  they  had  sunk  could  no  longer 
reach  them.  In  another  country,  men  of  ruined  for- 
tunes could  begin  the  world  anew,  in  sympathy  with 
others,  whose  condition  and  prospects  had  been  as 
dreary  as  their  own,  while  they,  who  had  been 
ground  to  the  dust  by  the  pressure  of  social  institu- 
tions, or  the  unfeeling  arm  of  power,  could  renew 
their  strength,  with  none  to  make  them  afraid,  and 
secure  for  their  children  those  blessings  of  free  moral 
existence  which  they  had  not  been  suffered  to  enjoy. 
Another  subject,  which  naturally  associated  itself 
with  his  great  foreign  enterprise,  began  to  attract 
attention  at  this  time.  This  was  the  manufacture  of 
silk,  which  was  first  undertaken  at  Derby,  in  1719, 
though  similar  attempts  had  been  made  without  suc- 
cess before.  John  Lombe,  an  enterprising  mechanic 
and  draughtsman,  travelled  to  Italy  to  procure  mod- 
els and  information  on  the  subject,  and,  after  suc- 
ceeding as  well  as  the  jealousy  of  the  Italians  would 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  15 

allow,  returned  with  two  persons  who  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  business,  and  set  up  his  works  at 
Derby,  after  having  secured  a  patent,  entitling  him 
to  all  the  profits  of  the  manufacture  for  fourteen 
years.  The  Italians  began  to  fear  lest  their  trade 
should  be  injured  by  his  operations;  and,  in  order  to 
prevent  it,  they  sent  over  an  artful  woman,  who 
gained  over  one  of  the  two  natives  to  their  interest, 
and,  through  his  instrumentality,  administered  a 
poison  to  Mr.  Lombe,  from  the  effect  of  which  he 
died.  Their  plan  did  not  succeed  to  their  desire,  for 
the  works  were  carried  on  by  his  brother,  and  after- 
wards by  his  cousin,  with  more  energy  than  before. 
When  the  term  of  years  expired  for  which  the  patent 
was  granted.  Sir  Thomas  Lombe  applied  to  Parlia- 
ment for  its  renewal ;  but,  instead  of  granting  his 
petition,  they  offered  him  fourteen  thousand  pounds 
for  a  model  and  full  disclosure  of  his  invention, 
which,  though  cumbrous  and  elaborate,  was  a  sub- 
ject of  wonder  at  the  time,  when  all  such  things  were 
new.  Oglethorpe  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  subject, 
sustaining  the  application  of  the  proprietors  with  all 
his  influence,  and  doubtless  kept  in  view  a  field  where 
such  labor  could  be  more  profitably  applied  than  in 
the  unfriendly  climate  of  England. 

In  the  year  1707,  a  company  had  been  formed  in 
London  for  the  purpose  of  lending  money  to  the  poor 
on  small  pledges,  and  to  prosperous  men  on  good 
security,  with  the  general  design  of  affording  aid  to 
the  deserving.  At  first  its  capital  was  small ;  but,  in 
1730,  it  was  incorporated  by  Act  of  Parliament,  with 
a  capital  of  six  hundred  thousand  pounds.  In  the 


16  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

autumn  of  the  next  year,  two  of  the  chief  officers, 
the  warehouse-keeper  and  the  cashier,  who  was  a 
member  of  Parliament,  absconded  together;  and  it 
was  found  that  all  the  capital  was  gone,  except  about 
thirty  thousand  pounds,  and  that  no  one  could  tell 
how  it  had  been  wasted,  nor  how  extensive  the  frauds 
had  been.  Application  was  immediately  made  to 
Parliament  to  interpose  its  power,  in  order  to  secure 
a  complete  investigation,  since  there  was  great  reason 
to  believe  that  the  fraud  had  been  committed  in 
collusion  with  some  persons  who  remained  in  Eng- 
land, but  whom  no  private  process  of  law  was  able 
to  reach. 

This  was  another  of  those  cases  in  which  Ogle- 
thorpe  was  most  active,  because  it  involved  the  rights 
and  welfare  of  those  who  needed  friends.  He  there- 
fore sustained  the  application,  and  made  a  speech  in 
favor  of  it,  from  which  an  extract  is  made,  because 
it  shows  an  acquaintance  with  the  subject  of  money 
which  was  unusual  at  that  day.  "  For  my  own  part, 
Sir,  I  have  always  been  for  encouraging  the  design 
upon  which  this  corporation  was  first  established, 
and  looked  upon  it  as  a  provident  act  of  charity  to 
let  necessitous  persons  have  the  opportunity  of  bor- 
rowing money  on  easier  terms  than  they  could  have 
it  elsewhere.  Money,  like  other  things,  is  but  a  com- 
modity, and,  in  the  way  of  dealing,  the  use  of  it  is 
looked  upon  to  be  worth  as  much  as  people  can  get 
for  it.  If  this  corporation  let  persons  in  limited  cir- 
cumstances have  the  use  of  money  at  a  cheaper  rate 
than  individuals,  brokers,  or  money-lenders  would 
be  willing  to  do,  it  was  certainly  a  beneficent  act.  If 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  I J 

they  had  demanded  more  than  was  elsewhere  given, 
they  would  not  have  had  applicants,  and  the  design 
would  not  have  proved  good  and  useful.  But  the 
utility  of  it  was  apparent;  and  the  better  the  design, 
and  the  more  excellent  the  benefit,  the  more  those 
persons  deserve  to  be  punished,  who,  by  their  frauds, 
have  curtailed,  if  not  wholly  cut  off,  those  sources  of 
furnishing  assistance  to  the  industrious  and  enter- 
prising, and  disappointed  the  public  of  the  benefit 
which  might  have  accrued  from  an  honest  and  faith- 
ful execution." 

Another  occasion,  on  which  he  exerted  himself  in 
Parliament,  grew  out  of  the  famous  Porteous  mob, 
which,  in  all  its  minutest  details,  is  familiar  to  the 
readers  of  the  "  Heart  of  Midlothian."  This  sudden 
outbreak  of  the  populace  of  Edinburgh,  lawless  and 
criminal  as  it  was,  could  hardly  be  tortured  into  a 
personal  insult  to  Queen  Caroline,  the  reigning  sov- 
ereign, who  nevertheless  saw  fit  so  to  receive  it ;  and 
in  order  to  gratify  her  helpless  passion  for  revenge, 
a  bill  was  introduced  into  Parliament,  to  disable  the 
principal  magistrate  of  the  city,  at  the  time,  from 
holding  any  office  ever  after,  and  to  imprison  him  for 
a  year.  The  city  was  to  be  punished  by  removing  the 
gates  and  abolishing  the  town-guards;  measures, 
which,  though  of  little  consequence  in  themselves, 
were  bitter  wounds  to  its  pride.  All  this  was  so 
manifestly  unreasonable  and  vindictive  that  the  bill 
was  vigorously  resisted.  The  gallant  Duke  of 
Argyle  opposed  it  in  the  House  of  Lords,  from  a  feel- 
ing of  patriotism,  in  stern  language  of  contempt  and 
censure;  while  his  friend  Oglethorpe,  in  the  House 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  — 2 


1 8  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

of  Commons,  took  the  same  side  from  a  sense  of 
justice,  declaring  that  there  was  no  failure  on  the 
part  of  the  magistrates  to  do  their  duty;  they  were 
overpowered  by  numbers,  and,  if  the  bill  prevailed, 
it  would  be  a  punishment  of  misfortune,  and  not  of 
guilt.  By  such  opposition,  the  ministry  were  com- 
pelled to  alter  the  penalty  into  a  simple  fine  of  two 
thousand  pounds,  to  be  levied  on  the  city,  for  the 
benefit  of  Porteous's  widow ;  and,  even  in  that  form, 
it  was  by  the  smallest  possible  majority  that  the  bill 
was  carried  through  at  last.  Two  Scottish  members 
were  then  attending  an  appeal  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
though  they  earnestly  requested  leave  of  absence  to 
be  present  at  the  discussion.  If  they  had  been  in 
their  places,  the  bill  would  have  been  lost. 


CHAPTER  II 

Moravian  Petition. — Organization  of  the  Company  for  the  Set- 
tlement of  Georgia. — Disinterestedness  of  the  Projectors. — 
Their  Expectations. — Silk. — Causes  which  interfered  with 
its  Production. 

ANOTHER  of  Oglethorpe's  labors  of  love  was  un- 
dertaken in  favor  of  the  Moravians  and  other  foreign 
Protestants.  Persecuted  at  home,  they  looked  for 
an  asylum  to  America;  but  the  new  Colonies  there 
were  more  or  less  martial  in  their  spirit,  owing  to 
the  wild  character  of  their  neighbors;  and  the  con- 
science of  the  Moravians  revolted  at  that  military 
service,  which  all  were  expected  to  perform.  A  peti- 
tion for  their  relief  was  presented  to  Parliament  by 
General  Oglethorpe,  with  a  speech  in  its  support. 
The  desired  Act  was  passed,  and  became  a  law.  At 
a  later  period,  another  petition,  of  a  similar  kind,  was 
presented,  and  on  that  occasion  Oglethorpe,  in  an 
able  speech,  made  the  House  acquainted  with  the 
social  system,  the  church,  the  benevolent  efforts,  and 
the  religious  character  of  the  Moravians,  showing 
how  important  it  was  to  encourage  the  emigration 
of  such  men  to  America.  Thus  sustained,  the  bill 
was  passed  without  opposition,  and  he  had  the  satis- 
faction of  doing  this  act  of  justice  and  mercy  to  that 
long-suffering  people. 

The  great  enterprise  which  was  destined  to  be  the 
19 


20  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

labor  of  Oglethorpe's  life  was  the  while  taking  form 
in  his  mind.  He  regarded  it  as  the  chief  blessing  of 
the  new  colony,  which  he  began  to  contemplate,  that 
it  would  afford  a  refuge  for  all  the  oppressed,  for  the 
Protestants,  who  were  suffering  under  the  jealous 
persecution  of  their  own  governments,  and  for  those 
persons  at  home,  who  had  become  so  desperate  in 
circumstances,  that  they  could  not  rise  and  hope 
again  without  changing  the  scene  and  making  trial 
of  a  different  country.  Besides  this,  he  felt  a  deep 
interest  in  the  Indians,  not  doubting  that  something 
might  be  done  to  civilize  and  save  them,  if  they  could 
be  brought  in  contact  with  a  community  which  did 
not  turn  toward  them  its  own  barbarous  and  heathen 
sides.  He  even  anticipated  some  of  the  views  of  a 
later  day  with  respect  to  temperance,  and  was  de- 
termined to  show  that  ardent  spirits,  which  were 
everywhere  elements  of  crime,  disease,  and  death, 
were  not  necessaries  of  life,  as  they  were  commonly 
regarded.  The  subject  of  slavery,  too,  could  not  dis- 
guise itself  to  his  clear  heart  and  penetrating  mind. 
In  1731,  he  had  been  chosen  a  Director  of  the  Royal 
African  Company;  the  next  year  he  was  elected 
Deputy-Governor,  in  which  office  he  became  the 
friend  and  benefactor  of  a  slave,  a  man  of  singular 
character  and  attainments,  who  was  found,  on  in- 
quiry, to  have  been  a  prince  at  home;  and,  by  the 
efforts  of  Oglethorpe,  he  was  soon  restored  to  his 
country,  where  he  found  that  his  father  was  dead, 
his  favorite  wife  had  married  again,  and  war  and 
anarchy  had  desolated  the  land.  The  history  of  this 
unfortunate  person,  who  is  spoken  of,  in  the  prints  of 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  21 

the  day,  as  "  the  man  whom  Mr.  Oglethorpe  released 
from  slavery,"  threw  light  upon  the  vileness  of  the 
slave-trade,  which  then  was  little  thought  of  except 
as  a  field  for  commercial  adventure.  Oglethorpe  de- 
termined that  the  colony  which  he  was  to  establish 
should  not  be  the  means  of  extending  that  traffic. 

Besides  these  humane  inducements  to  engage  in 
the  enterprise  in  question,  there  were  patriotic  con- 
siderations, which  had  much  influence  on  his  mind. 
The  large  vacant  tract  between  Carolina  and  Florida 
was  in  danger  of  being  seized  by  the  Spaniards  from 
the  south,  or  the  French  from  the  Mississippi,  who 
were  very  desirous  to  secure  the  advantage  of  some 
Atlantic  harbors,  and  were  not  likely  to  be  particular 
as  to  the  means  by  which  it  was  done.  This  danger, 
which  was  a  serious  one,  recommended  it  to  the  gov- 
ernment, as  much  as  higher  interests  made  it  dear  to 
him ;  it  was  accordingly  supported  by  public  author- 
ity, as  soon  as  it  was  proposed,  and  with  favor  such 
as  is  not  often  shown  to  enterprises  whose  humanity 
is  their  only  title  to  regard. 

That  the  credit  of  originating  this  enterprise  be- 
longs to  Oglethorpe  would  never  have  been  ques- 
tioned, but  for  a  hasty  assertion  on  the  subject,  first 
made  by  the  Abbe  Raynal,  and  repeated  by  others, 
without  sufficient  investigation.  Grahame  speaks  of 
a  bequest  made  by  a  wealthy  citizen  of  London  as 
the  moving  cause,  which  led  to  the  search  into  the 
condition  of  imprisoned  debtors,  and  afterwards  to 
the  attempt  to  secure  them  an  asylum  beyond  the 
sea.*  The  amount  of  it  was,  that  a  rich  and  humane 
*  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  III.  p.  180. 


22  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

citizen,  at  his  death,  left  the  whole  of  his  estate  to  be 
applied  to  the  release  of  insolvent  debtors,  and  the 
government  added  nine  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
forty-three  pounds  and  fifteen  shillings  to  the  citi- 
zen's bequest,  with  the  understanding  that  those  who 
were  thus  released  should  become  emigrants  to 
Georgia.  But  Dr.  Harris,  a  man  of  patient  and 
persevering  research,  who  never  followed  a  state- 
ment simply  because  it  had  been  made  and  repeated, 
inquired  into  the  history  of  this  bequest.  He  ascer- 
tained that 'the  only  foundation  for  it  was,  that  Ed- 
ward Adderly  had  given,  in  his  will,  the  sum  of  one 
hundred  pounds  in  aid  of  the  settlement  in  Georgia. 
So  far  from  suggesting  the  enterprise,  the  bequest 
was  not  made  till  the  settlement  was  two  years  old ; 
and,  instead  of  being  the  splendid  and  imposing 
charity,  which  it  was  represented  to  be,  the  grant  by 
Parliament,  mentioned  above,  was  necessary  to  raise 
the  amount  to  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  pounds. 
What  the  Abbe  Raynal  says  in  reference  to  the  exe- 
cution of  the  plan  is  just.  "  General  Oglethorpe,  a 
man  who  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  taste  for 
great  designs,  by  his  zeal  for  his  country,  and  his 
passion  for  glory,  was  fixed  upon  to  direct  these 
public  finances,  and  to  carry  into  execution  so  ex- 
cellent a  plan." 

This  undertaking  was  far  beyond  the  power  and 
means  of  an  individual.  On  that  account,  not  be- 
cause he  was  not  ready  to  do  and  sacrifice  every- 
thing, he  sought  the  aid  and  influence  of  others  in 
alliance  with  his  own.  A  general  interest  was  awak- 
ened, and  twenty-one  associates  petitioned  for  an  act 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  23 

of  incorporation,  which  was  granted  by  letters- 
patent  on  the  Qth  of  June,  1732,  for  the  reason  as- 
signed, that  many  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  were  in 
want  of  employment,  reduced  to  distress,  and  would 
be  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  cultivate  waste  lands 
in  America,  where  they  might  earn  a  subsistence  for 
themselves,  and  aid  to  extend  the  trade,  navigation, 
and  wealth  of  England.  Certain  persons  were  ap- 
pointed trustees  for  establishing  the  colony  of 
Georgia,  the  intended  province  being  so  called  in 
honor  of  the  King,  who,  as  usual,  was  represented 
as  deeply  interested  in  the  benevolent  project  and 
every  other  work  of  love. 

The  number  of  trustees  appointed  by  the  charter 
was  twenty-one,  among  whom  were  the  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury,  the  author  of  the  "  Characteristics," 
Lord  Percival,  Lord  Tyrconnel,  Lord  Limerick, 
Lord  Carpenter,  Stephen  Hales,  the  celebrated  phi- 
losopher and  divine,  and  other  distinguished  names, 
besides  that  of  Oglethorpe,  who  was  the  moving 
spirit  of  the  whole.  They  were  vested  with  the 
powers  of  legislation  for  twenty-one  years,  after 
which  a  permanent  form  of  government  was  to  be 
established,  corresponding  with  the  British  law,  by 
the  King  or  his  successors.  Lord  Percival  was 
elected  president  of  the  corporation.  As  large  ex- 
penditures were  necessary,  the  trustees  set  an  ex- 
ample of  liberality  by  their  private  subscriptions  ;  the 
directors  of  the  Bank  of  England  followed  their  ex- 
ample; the  friends  of  humanity  expressed  their  in- 
terest in  the  work  by  numerous  gifts;  the  House  of 
Commons,  sharing  the  general  enthusiasm,  made  a 


24  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

grant  of  nearly  ten  thousand  pounds ;  and  the  whole 
sum,  collected  almost  without  solicitation,  amounted 
to  thirty-six  thousand  ($180,000).  The  greatest 
exhibition  of  generosity  was  in  the  request  made  by 
the  trustees,  to  have  clauses  inserted  in  the  charter 
restraining  them  and  their  successors  from  accepting 
any  salary,  gift,  or  perquisite  whatever;  not  even 
permitting  them  to  receive  a  grant  of  lands  under 
any  circumstances  in  the  settlement  proposed. 

This  perfect  disinterestedness  of  proceeding  dis- 
tinguished this  enterprise  from  all  others  of  the  kind 
recorded  in  history.  As  great  efforts  were  to  be 
made  by  many  of  the  trustees,  and  heavy  sacrifices  of 
time  and  wealth  by  some  of  their  number,  it  certainly 
could  not  have  subjected  them  to  the  imputation  of 
selfishness  had  they  secured  some  right  for  them- 
selves in  the  lands  which  might  be  subdued.  But, 
knowing  how  necessary  it  was  to  avoid  the  appear- 
ance of  evil,  and  being  really  interested  in  the  work 
as  a  movement  of  humanity,  they  took  this  ground 
in  the  beginning;  and  wisely,  as  it  afterwards 
proved;  since  the  reservation  of  the  powers  of  gov- 
ernment in  their  own  hands  formed  a  sufficient  sub- 
ject of  complaint;  and  had  it  been  possible  to  ascribe 
to  them  avaricious  and  interested  motives,  their 
whole  influence  would  have  been  lost.  We  ought 
not  to  wonder  at  this  error  in  their  civil  system ;  it 
was  an  age  in  which  popular  rights  were  little  under- 
stood, and  the  idea  that  men  could  be  self-governed, 
and  at  the  same  time  well-governed,  would  have  been 
thought  visionary  in  the  extreme.  They  were  not 
careful  to  give  the  settlers  a  sufficient  personal  in- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  25 

terest  in  the  soil,  which  they  allowed  to  be  necessary ; 
and  no  one  dreamed  that  the  Colonists  would  expect, 
or  that  it  would  be  safe  to  indulge  them  with,  a  share 
in  the  counsels  by  which  their  own  interests  were  to 
be  secured. 

The  country  appropriated  to  this  Colony  by  the 
terms  of  the  charter  was  the  tract  between  the 
Savannah  and  Altamaha  Rivers,  and  running  due 
west  from  the  head-springs  of  those  rivers  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean ;  such  being  the  usual  way,  at  the  time, 
of  making  grants,  in  utter  darkness  as  to  the  amount 
of  territory  which  they  might  cover.  The  seal  of 
the  corporation  was  made  with  two  faces ;  one  with 
two  figures,  leaning  on  urns,  representing  the  two 
rivers,  which  formed  the  north-eastern  and  south- 
western boundaries  of  the  province,  having  between 
them  the  genius  of  Georgia  Augusta,  with  a  cap  of 
liberty  on  her  head, a  spear  in  one  hand, and  the  horn 
of  plenty  in  the  other.  This  was  to  be  used  for  the 
authentication  of  legislative  acts,  deeds,  and  com- 
missions. The  other,  which  was  the  common  seal, 
to  be  affixed  to  grants,  certificates,  and  orders,  repre- 
sented silk-worms  at  their  work,  some  beginning, 
others  closing,  their  labors,  with  the  inscription  Non 
sibi,  scd  aliis,  (Not  for  themselves,  but  for  others), 
words  truly  descriptive  of  the  disinterestedness  with 
which  the  foundations  of  the  colony  were  laid.  It 
was  also  expressive  of  one  of  their  favorite  objects, 
in  which  they  were  not  destined  to  succeed  to  their 
hearts'  desires. 

They  had  learned  that  the  climate  of  the  province 
was  favorable  to  the  silk-worm,  and  that  the  mul- 


26  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

berry  grew  wild.  Though  they  knew  that  the  in- 
dustry of  the  men  would  be  required  for  severer 
labors,  they  thought  that  the  attention  requisite  dur- 
ing the  feeding  of  the  worms  might  be  given  by  the 
aged  and  infirm,  by  women  and  children,  without  in- 
terference with  any  other  duty.  Their  plan  was  to 
engage  Italians  to  accompany  the  expedition,  who 
should  give  instruction  in  the  art  of  feeding  the 
worms  and  winding  the  threads.  By  a  careful  culti- 
vation of  the  trees,  and  urging  the  business  upon  the 
attention  of  the  settlers  as  a  direct  way  to  prosperity, 
they  hoped  to  surprise  the  nation  with  remittances  of 
silk  in  a  short  time,  and  thus  to  convince  the  people 
of  the  importance  of  the  colony  to  the  mother  coun- 
try. There  was  no  defect  of  wisdom  in  the  plan ;  it 
shows  the  activity  of  mind  with  which  Oglethorpe 
sought  everywhere  the  means  of  success;  it  did  not 
prosper,  because  it  was  premature ;  such  things  can- 
not be  forced  into  existence  before  their  time.  In 
the  early  days  of  a  Colony  in  the  wilderness,  the 
struggle  necessary  to  subdue  the  soil  will  generally 
create  a  distaste  and  contempt  for  the  more  quiet  and 
domestic  labors.  As  to  introducing  it  against  the 
wishes  of  the  people,  they  had  the  example  of  Henry 
the  Fourth  of  France,  to  show  that  such  a  measure 
would  require  the  exercise  of  power  which  they  did 
not  possess. 

This  idea  of  producing  silk  in  Georgia  was  not 
altogether  new.  It  appears  from  Dr.  Stevens's 
"  Brief  History  of  the  Culture  of  Silk  in  Georgia,"* 

*  A  valuable  treatise  appended  to  Dr.  Harris's  "  Life  of 
Oglethorpe,"  p.  391. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  2/ 

that  the  subject  had  engaged  the  attention  of  emi- 
grants to  Virginia  as  early  as  1609;  and,  in  a  pam- 
phlet then  published,  it  is  said :  "  There  are  silke- 
\vorms  and  plenty  of  mulberie-trees,  whereby  ladies, 
gentlewomen,  and  little  children,  being  set  in  the  way 
to  do  it,  may  be  all  imploied,  with  pleasure,  making 
silke  comparable  to  that  of  Persia,  Turkey,  or  any 
other."  Attempts  were  made  to  convince  the  colo- 
nists of  the  benefits  which  would  arise  from  this  cul- 
tivation and  manufacture.  A  work  was  published, 
called  "  Virginia  Discovery  of  Silk-Wormes,  with 
their  Benefits,"  the  object  of  which  was  to  show, 
that,  as  a  staple,  silk  would  be  more  valuable  than 
tobacco.  But  the  latter  commodity  unfortunately 
kept  its  ground,  and  maintains  it  to  the  present  day, 
though  it  appears  that  the  coronation  robe  of  Charles 
the  Second  was  made  from  Virginia  silk,  and  con- 
siderable quantities  of  the  raw  material  were  ex- 
ported at  various  times.* 

The  culture  of  silk  was  introduced  into  South 
Carolina  in  the  year  1703;  but  meantime  the  culti- 
vation of  rice  had  been  attended  with  success,  which 
prevented  this  subject  from  gaining  any  general  at- 
tention. It  was  not  wholly  neglected,  however; 
Miss  Lucas,  afterwards  Mrs.  Pinckney,  the  lady  who 
first  introduced  the  cultivation  of  indigo,  took  with 
her  to  England  a  sufficient  quantity  of  silk  for  three 

*  Several  tracts  were  published,  from  time  to  time,  on  the 
culture  of  silk  in  Virginia.  Experiments  were  also  made,  with 
some  degree  of  success,  in  Pennsylvania.  A  specimen  of  the 
Pennsylvania  silk  was  presented  to  the  Queen  by  Dr.  Franklin, 
as  late  as  1772. — Sparks's  "  Works  of  Franklin,"  Vol.  VII. 
pp.  456,  527;  Vol.  VIII.  p.  3. 


28  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

dresses,  one  of  which  was  presented  to  the  Princess 
Dowager  of  Wales,  another  to  Lord  Chesterfield, 
and  the  third  was  in  existence  in  Charleston,  when 
Dr.  Ramsay  wrote,  about  thirty  years  ago.* 

The  same  causes  which  interfered  with  its  success 
in  other  provinces  afterwards  operated  in  Georgia, 
though  everything  was  done  by  way  of  instruction 
and  encouragement  to  recommend  it  to  the  people. 
The  climate  did  not  prove  so  friendly  as  was  antici- 
pated, though  it  was  favorable  when  compared  with 
most  other  countries.  Sudden  transitions  from  heat 
to  cold  destroyed  at  once  great  numbers  of  worms, 
and  with  them  the  high  hopes  which  their  proprie- 
tors had  been  indulging.  The  work  was  at  first  en- 
couraged by  bounties,  and  naturally  languished 
when  such  premiums  were  withdrawn.  Labor  was 
also  too  expensive  to  be  hired  for  this  purpose,  when 
there  were  many  others  to  which  it  could  be  more 
profitably  applied.  But  the  fatal  blow,  perhaps,  was 
given  to  it  by  the  cultivation  of  rice,  and  afterwards 
of  cotton,  which  yielded  large  and  profitable  crops, 
much  more  advantageous  to  the  producer. 

*  Ramsay's  "  History  of  South  Carolina,"  Vol.  II.  pp.  209, 

220. 


CHAPTER  III 

Preparations  for  the  Enterprise. — Objections  to  it. — Induce- 
ments offered. — Oglethorpe  appointed  Governor. — Conditions 
with  the  Emigrants. — Restrictions  on  Trade. — Exclusion  of 
Slaves. — Difficulties  of  Colonization. 

BUT  to  return  to  the  preparations  for  the  enter- 
prise; it  was  necessary  to  secure  a  sufficient  number 
of  persons  who  should  engage  to  accompany  the  ex- 
pedition. Since  it  was  to  be  conducted  on  strict 
principles  of  justice  and  humanity,  it  would  have  no 
great  attraction  for  common  adventurers;  and,  as 
the  steady  and  industrious  were  generally  prosper- 
ous at  home,  it  was  not  certain  that  emigrants  fit  for 
the  purpose  would  be  readily  found.  In  pursuance 
of  the  original  design,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
visit  the  prisons,  to  make  out  a  list  of  insolvent  debt- 
ors whose  creditors  were  willing  to  discharge  them, 
to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  applicants,  and 
to  make  arrangements  to  assist  and  encourage  those 
who  might  be  proper  and  willing  to  go.  To  use  the 
words  of  Oglethorpe  himself,  "  They,  who  are  op- 
pressed with  poverty  and  misfortune,  are  unable  to 
be  at  the  charge  of  removing  from  their  miseries. 
These  are  the  people  intended  to  be  relieved.  Let  us 
cast  our  eyes  on  the  multitude  of  unfortunate  people 
in  the  kingdom,  of  reputable  families,  and  of  liberal, 
or,  at  least,  easy  education;  some  undone  by  guar- 

29 


30  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

dians,  some  by  law-suits,  some  by  accidents  in  com- 
merce, some  by  stocks  and  bubbles,  and  some  by 
suretyship.  But  all  agree  in  this  one  circumstance, 
that  they  must  either  be  burdensome  to  their  rela- 
tions, or  betake  themselves  to  little  shifts  for  sus- 
tenance, which,  it  is  ten  to  one,  do  not  answer  their 
purposes,  and  to  which  a  well-educated  mind  de- 
scends with  the  utmost  constraint.  What  various 
misfortunes  may  reduce  the  rich,  the  industrious,  to 
the  danger  of  a  prison,  to  a  moral  certainty  of  starv- 
ing! These  are  the  people  that  may  relieve  them- 
selves, and  strengthen  Georgia,  by  resorting  thither, 
and  Great  Britain  by  their  departure."  * 

In  Benjamin  Martyn's  "  Reasons  for  establishing 
the  Colony  of  Georgia,"  published  in  1733,  he  takes 
notice  of  the  objections  which  were  made  to  the  plan. 
One  was,  that  it  was  taking  from  their  own  country 
those  whose  labor  is  wanted  at  home.  To  which  he 
replies,  that  those  who  are  shut  up  in  prison  are 
certainly  doing  no  service  either  to  their  country  or 
to  themselves.  He  estimated  their  number  at  about 
four  thousand  every  year,  who  were  thus  lost  to  their 
families  and  to  the  country,  and,  what  was  worse, 
thrown  among  associates  whose  vicious  communi- 
cations would  inevitably  deprave  them,  while  pov- 
erty and  despair  were  the  only  portion  they  could 
give  to  their  wives  and  children.  But  it  was  not  the 
object  of  the  trustees  to  remove  those  whose  only 
recommendation  was  that  they  were  vicious  and  use- 

* "  New  and  Accurate  Account  of  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia,"  Ch.  III. ;  ascribed  to  Oglethorpe,  and  published  in 
London,  1733. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  3! 

less  at  home;  they  therefore  resolved  to  publish  the 
names  of  those  who  proposed  to  go,  that  none  might 
escape  dishonorably  from  their  creditors,  that  no 
father  might  secretly  desert  his  wife  and  children, 
and  that  the  base  and  immoral  might  be  sifted  out 
from  the  seed  with  which  the  broad  fields  of  the  new 
region  were  to  be  sown. 

One  objection  he  endeavors  to  answer,  because  it 
so  truly  anticipated  that  which  was  afterwards  to  be. 
It  was,  that  "  the  Colonies  would  in  time  become  too 
great,  and  throw  off  their  independency."  To  this 
lie  answers,  that,  if  they  were  governed  by  such  mild 
and  wholesome  laws  as  those  of  England,  they 
would  have  no  reason  for  dissatisfaction.  He  did 
not  reflect  that  it  was  under  the  operation  of  those 
mild  and  wholesome  laws  that  they  were  compelled 
to  leave  their  homes ;  and  that  those  who  found  no 
place  reserved  for  them  at  the  table  of  nature ;  those 
who,  as  Swift  said,  had  been  ruined  by  obtaining  a 
decree  in  chancery  in  their  favor  with  costs,  and 
those  who  had  just  come  from  unsavory  prisons  and 
chains,  would  have  a  less  lively  sense  of  gratitude  to 
those  laws  than  others  who  were  less  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  their  operations.  He  also  assumed 
that  they  would  carry  with  them  a  lingering  attach- 
ment to  their  native  country,  which  would  induce 
them  to  remain  connected  with  it  as  long  as  possible. 
But  he  admitted  the  possibility  of  their  setting  up  an 
independent  government  for  themselves,  if  ever  they 
should  be  oppressed ;  and  he  seemed  to  admit  that, 
under  those  circumstances,  England  would  deserve 
to  lose  them. 


32  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

The  inducements  offered  were  found  sufficient  to 
dispose  many  persons  to  emigrate;  they  were  to  be 
supplied  with  stores  for  the  voyage,  and  supported 
for  a  sufficient  time  after  their  arrival,  till  they 
should  be  able  to  provide  for  themselves. 
They  were  also  to  be  furnished  with  tools,  arms, 
seeds,  and  other  necessary  articles,  from  the  public 
stores.  Lands  were  to  be  assigned  them,  not  in  fee 
simple,  but  with  certain  restrictions,  intended  to 
keep  out  Roman  Catholics,  to  prevent  settlers  from 
acquiring  permanent  rights  till  they  had  shown 
themselves  worthy,  and  to  keep  estates  in  the  hands 
of  men,  who  might  perform  military  duty  when  re- 
quired. General  Oglethorpe,  having  signified  his 
readiness  to  accompany  the  expedition,  was  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  the  Colony ;  he  accepted  the 
trust,  and  resolved  to  sail  in  the  same  vessel  with 
other  emigrants,  that  he  might  watch  over  their 
health  and  welfare;  offering,  at  the  same  time,  to 
bear  his  own  expenses,  and  to  do  all  in  his  power  for 
the  relief  and  assistance  of  others.  This  conduct 
on  his  part  not  only  inspired  respect  and  confidence 
in  those  who  were  to  be  under  his  charge,  thus  giv- 
ing him  a  command  over  their  affections  which  was 
of  much  more  service  than  his  official  powers,  but  it 
called  the  public  attention  to  the  enterprise;  and, 
since  it  evidently  was  not  undertaken  with  interested 
views,  it  was  welcomed  as  a  work  of  benevolence,  in 
which  every  friend  of  humanity  was  happy,  if  able, 
to  bear  his  part. 

That  no  one  might  afterwards  complain  of  hav- 
ing been  misled,  all  who  proposed  to  go  to  Georgia 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  33 

were  examined,  to  know  if  they  had  any  objection 
to  the  terms  and  conditions  proposed.  Some  of 
these  were  of  a  kind  which,  though  considered  neces- 
sary by  the  trustees,  who  had  no  interest  to  oppress, 
were  very  likely  to  bear  hardly  on  the  settlers  at  a 
future  time.  A  rent  was  to  be  paid  of  twenty  shil- 
lings sterling  for  every  hundred  acres  on  land,  which 
they  considered  as  given  to  them  by  the  Crown. 
There  was  no  power  in  any  settler  to  assign  or  trans- 
fer his  lands ;  the  whole  was  to  revert  to  the  trustees, 
if  not  improved  within  a  given  time;  and  if  a  man 
died  without  heirs  male,  his  daughters  could  not 
inherit,  but  the  property  was  forfeited,  and  liable  to 
be  granted  to  some  other  hands.  The  last  provision 
was  certainly  discouraging;  there  seemed  to  be  no 
sufficient  reason  for  considering  it  a  crime  not  to 
have  sons,  nor  for  imposing  a  penalty  upon  daugh- 
ters. As  a  power  was  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the 
government  for  dispensing  with  this  restriction  to 
some  extent,  in  cases  of  hardship,  there  was  probably 
no  great  danger  of  its  being  abused  ;  still,  the  circum- 
stance that  it  existed  was  a  misfortune,  since  it 
showed  that  human  rights  were  not  thoroughly 
comprehended,  and  on  any  dissatisfaction,  from 
whatever  cause,  it  afforded  strong  ground  on  which 
complaints  might  rest. 

Another  restriction,  which  occasioned  great  com- 
plaint, was  very  honorable  to  the  wisdom  and  firm- 
ness of  the  trustees.  It  was  that  which  forbade  the 
use  and  importation  of  rum,  which  was  then  con- 
sidered so  essential  to  the  support  of  life,  that  many 
good  men  lamented  its  exclusion  as  a  rash  experi- 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  —  3 


34  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ment  upon  the  health  and  comfort  of  men.  It  was 
urged,  in  opposition  to  their  arguments,  that  the  ex- 
perience of  all  Americans  had  shown  the  necessity 
of  qualifying  water  with  spirit,  whereas  it  had  not 
been  proved  that  men  could  live  without  it.  It  was 
also  said  that  there  was  no  market  for  their  timber, 
in  the  sugar  islands,  without  receiving  rum  in  return. 
Another  apprehension  was,  that,  if  not  introduced 
under  sanction  of  law,  it  would  find  its  way  without 
it;  which  was  probably  true,  but  certainly  afforded 
no  reason  for  giving  up  a  wholesome  and  necessary 
restraint ;  since  the  objection  that  it  might  be  violated 
could  be  made  to  every  law.  The  total  exclusion  of 
trade  with  the  West  Indies  was  indeed  a  hardship; 
but  whoever  reflects  on  the  effect  of  the  indulgence 
which  it  was  intended  to  forbid,  the  misery  which  it 
spreads  through  every  department  of  social  exist- 
ence, and  the  withering  curse  which  it  sends  to  the 
home  and  the  heart,  will  agree  with  the  founders  of 
Georgia,  that  exemption  from  such  a  calamity  is  a 
blessing  to  be  purchased  at  any  price. 

But  the  prohibition  which  was  likely  to  occasion 
the  greatest  complaint  among  the  emigrants,  and 
which  afterwards  proved  a  source  of  constant  dis- 
satisfaction, was  the  entire  exclusion  of  slaves  from 
the  settlement.  The  motive  for  this  exclusion  was 
partly  politic  and  partly  humane.  Francis  Moore 
alludes  to  the  former  in  his  "  Voyage  to  Georgia," 
saying  that  the  object  was  to  establish  a  strong  and 
industrious  Colony.*  "  It  is  necessary,  therefore, 

* "  Collections  of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society,"  Vol.  I. 
p.  96. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  35 

not  to  permit  slaves  in  such  a  country,  for  slaves 
starve  the  poor  laborer.  For,  if  the  gentleman  can 
have  his  work  done  by  a  slave,  who  is  a  carpenter,  or 
a  bricklayer,  the  carpenters  or  bricklayers  of  that 
country  must  starve  for  want  of  employment;  and 
so  of  other  trades." 

The  establishment  of  Colonies  under  any  circum- 
stances is  a  thankless  task,  and  those  concerned  in  it 
must  look  for  their  recompense  to  their  own  hearts, 
and  to  future  ages.  Lord  Bacon  says,  "  Planting  of 
colonies  is  like  planting  of  woods  ;  for  you  must  make 
an  account  to  lose  almost  twenty  years'  profit  and  ex- 
pense for  your  recompense  in  the  end.  The  principal 
thing  that  has  been  the  destruction  of  colonies  has 
been  the  sordid  and  hasty  catching  at  profit  in  the 
first  years.  It  is  true,  quick  returns  are  not  to  be 
neglected,  so  far  as  consists  with  the  good  of  the 
plantation,  but  no  further."  *  The  history  of  almost 
every  civil  colony  ever  undertaken  shows  the  wisdom 
of  this  remark,  and  the  discouragement  which  comes 
from  high-raised  expectations.  Even  in  Pennsylva- 
nia, favorable  as  the  auspices  were,  under  which  it 
was  commenced,  the  difficulties,  which  the  founder 
had  to  encounter,  were  oppressive  in  the  extreme. 
Virginia,  too,  struggled  long  in  her  childhood  before 
she  grew  into  firmness  and  strength ;  all  manner  of 
impatience  and  discontent  was  expressed  by  the  early 
settlers  in  their  letters  to  England,  warning  others 
against  coming  to  share  their  lot.  Even  the  history 
of  the  Pilgrims,  though  of  all  men  best  calculated  to 
struggle  with  hardship,  and  unacquainted  even  with 

*  Bacon's  "  Essays,"  Vol.  III.  p.  349. 


30  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

the  name  of  discouragement,  shows  how  difficult  it  is 
to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  happy  and  flourishing 
State. 

The  circumstance,  that  so  much  was  done  in  aid 
of  the  first  settlers  of  Georgia,  did  not  tend  to  make 
them  more  industrious  and  contented.  Some,  who 
had  been  reduced  by  misfortunes,  were  unused  to 
labor,  and  others  were  desperately  idle;  with  the 
taste  for  exaction  common  to  such  persons,  they  saw 
no  reason  why  those,  who  had  done  so  much  for 
them,  should  not  do  more,  and  were  much  more  dis- 
pleased that  anything  was  denied  than  grateful  for 
all  that  was  given.  The  trustees  showed  a  disposi- 
tion to  remove  all  reasonable  grounds  of  complaint. 
The  law,  which  excluded  females  from  the  succes- 
sion, was  so  altered  that  a  daughter  could  inherit 
land  to  any  extent  less  than  two  thousand  acres. 
The  prohibition  to  alienate  lands  was  abandoned, 
and  all  possessors  of  land  might  give  leases  of  any 
part  of  their  lots  for  any  term  not  exceeding  five 
years.  The  law,  requiring  the  lands  to  be  improved 
within  a  certain  time,  was  altered  after  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  freeholders.  But  a  storehouse,  which  was 
maintained  for  the  subsistence  of  the  people,  was 
kept  open  longer  than  was  promised  or  intended  ;  and 
when  it  was  found  necessary  at  last  to  close  it, 
though  sufficient  warning  was  given,  the  clamor  was 
great  against  the  measure,  as  a  piece  of  injustice  and 
oppression.  To  read  the  statements  of  the  discon- 
tented, one  would  suppose  that  they  had  been  be- 
trayed to  their  ruin,  and  that  they  were  suffering 
under  constant,  grievous,  and  intolerable  wrongs. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Embarkation  and  Arrival  at  Charleston. — Savannah  founded. 
— Character  and  Manners  of  the  Indians. — Treaty  with  them. 
— Oglethorpe's  Energy  and  Self-denial. — Aid  from  Carolina. 
— Visit  to  Charleston. — Council  with  the  Indians. — Munici- 
pal Regulations. — Social  System. 

WHEN  the  necessary  arrangements  had  been 
made,  the  emigrants  embarked  on  the  i6th  of  No- 
vember, 1732,  accompanied  by  the  Reverend  Henry 
Herbert,  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England. 
The  Ann,  in  which  they  sailed,  was  of  two  hundred 
tons'  burden;  the  passengers  were  thirty-five  fam- 
ilies, consisting  of  farmers  and  mechanics  of  various 
kinds,  well  provided  with  the  instruments  of  their 
trade.  One  of  the  party  was  Mr.  Amatis,  of  Pied- 
mont, who  was  skilled  in  the  culture  of  silk.  They 
were  also  furnished  with  arms  for  defence  against 
the  Indians.  The  hostility  to  rum  did  not  extend 
to  its  kindred  liquors.  Ten  tuns  of  beer  and  ten  of 
wine  were  sent  on  board.  Oglethorpe,  who  took 
passage  with  them,  superintended  the  details  of  prep- 
aration, furnished  his  own  cabin-fare,  and  showed 
the  deepest  interest  in  the  comfort  and  welfare  of 
his  fellow-adventurers. 

The  vessel  arrived  at  the  bar,  outside  of  the  port  of 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  January  I3th,  1733. 
Two  feeble  children  died  on  the  passage,  but  the 

37 


38  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

health  of  the  passengers  generally  was  good.  Ogle- 
thorpe  went  on  shore  to  pay  his  respects  to  Governor 
Johnson,  and  was  treated  by  him  and  his  Council 
with  the  greatest  kindness  and  respect.  The  King's 
pilot  was  ordered  to  conduct  the  ship  into  Port  Royal, 
and  to  supply  the  means  to  transport  the  colonists 
from  that  place  to  their  destined  home,  which  was 
done  with  the  delay  only  of  ten  hours. 

On  the  1 8th,  Oglethorpe  went  on  shore  at  Tench's 
Island;  thence  he  proceeded  to  Beaufort,  a  frontier 
town  of  South  Carolina,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Coosa- 
watchie  River,  and  provided  with  an  excellent  har- 
bor. The  Colonists,  arriving  two  days  after,  were 
kindly  received  by  the  King's  officers  and  other  gen- 
tlemen, and  remained  there  for  a  time  to  rest  after 
the  hardships  of  the  voyage;  while  their  chief,  al- 
ways active  and  indefatigable,  went  to  explore  the 
country.  Having  found  a  spot  suited  to  his  purpose, 
he  selected  it  as  the  headquarters  of  his  future  settle- 
ment, and  gave  it  the  name  of  Savannah,  the  Indian 
name  of  the  river  flowing  near  it.  After  his  return, 
on  the  24th,  he  appointed  the  following  Sabbath  to 
be  observed  by  himself  and  the  emigrants  as  a  day 
of  thanksgiving  for  their  safe  arrival.  Many  per- 
sons assembled  from  all  sides  to  congratulate  them 
on  their  arrival,  and  to  take  part  in  the  religious  ser- 
vices of  the  occasion. 

In  a  letter,  written  from  the  camp  near  Savannah, 
he  advises  the  trustees  of  his  selection  of  a  future 
home.  He  tells  them  that  he  has  found  a  healthy 
situation,  about  ten  miles  from  the  sea,  on  the  Savan- 
nah River,  which  there  forms  a  half-moon,  on  the 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  39 

south  side  of  which  the  banks  are  about  forty  feet 
high.  Above  is  a  plain,  extending  about  a  mile 
along  the  river,  and  running  several  miles  back  into 
the  country.  In  the  centre  of  this  plain  he  has  laid 
out  the  town,  opposite  to  which  is  an  island,  rich  in 
pasture.  The  river  is  wide,  the  water  fresh,  and  so 
deep  that  ships,  drawing  twelve  feet  of  water,  can 
ride  within  ten  yards  of  the  shore.*  It  is  bordered 
with  high  woods  on  both  sides.  The  whole  people 
arrived  on  the  ist  of  February,  and  were  employed 
at  once  in  preparing  the  fortifications  and  clearing 
away  the  woods.  Their  only  immediate  neighbors 
were  a  small  Indian  nation,  who,  so  far  from  having 
any  idea  of  resistance,  were  desirous  to  be  acknowl- 
edged as  subjects  of  the  English  King.  They  were 
treated  with  all  possible  kindness ;  presents  were 
made  to  them,  and  they  were  assured  that  if  any  in- 
jury was  offered  them  they  should  receive  full  re- 
dress. The  natives  were  thus  disarmed  of  the  wish 
and  power  to  injure,  and  made  to  serve  as  a  safe- 
guard against  other  foes.  Another  letter  says,  that 
all  the  people  were  in  perfect  health,  the  site  of  the 
town  having  been  selected  with  this  view,  after  the 
example  of  an  Indian  tribe,  who  had  made  the  same 
choice  before.  The  soil  was  dry  and  sandy,  and  vast 
forests  of  pine  sheltered  it  from  the  western  and 
southern  winds,  which  were  considered  the  most  in- 
jurious in  the  country.  Emigrants  were  sent  over 
from  time  to  time,  and,  in  June,  1733,  the  whole 
number  amounted,  including  several  Italians,  to  one 

*  "  Collections   of  the  Georgia   Historical   Society,"  Vol.   II. 
p.  284. 


40  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

hundred  and  fifty-two,  of  whom  eleven  were  foreign 
Protestants,  and  sixty-one  were  men. 

Unfortunately,  the  Moravians  were  not  of  this 
number.  In  1727,  Count  Zinzendorf  had  opened  a 
correspondence  with  Oglethorpe,  with  the  view  of 
associating  his  people  with  the  colony  then  proposed. 
The  proposal  was  gladly  welcomed;  but  the  Mora- 
vians were  not  ready  at  the  time  when  the  emigrants 
sailed,  and  the  vessel  necessarily  went  without  them. 
When  they  afterward  arrived  in  Holland,  they  were 
induced  to  change  their  destination  for  Pennsylva- 
nia, where  they  established  their  home.  Some  years 
after,  the  trustees,  well  aware  of  the  value  of  that 
simple  and  conscientious  people,  and  hoping  that 
their  example  of  quiet  industry  would  affect  the 
English  settlers,  renewed  their  correspondence  with 
Count  Zinzendorf,  and  offered  a  large  tract  of  land 
to  any  Moravian  society  that  might  be  established  in 
Georgia.  The  offer  was  accepted;  and,  at  his  sug- 
gestion, a  party  determined  to  go.  It  was  stipulated 
that  they  should  not  be  obliged  to  render  military 
service,  which  was  against  their  religious  principles ; 
they  were  instructed  by  their  venerated  teacher  to 
submit  themselves  cheerfully,  under  all  circum- 
stances, to  the  guidance  and  disposal  of  their  God, 
to  cherish  liberty  of  conscience,  to  avoid  all  religious 
disputes,  to  live  in  honest  and  patient  industry,  and 
to  make  it  their  endeavor  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the 
Indians.  The  only  difficulty  was  that  the  Moravian 
discipline  kept  them  so  much  apart  from  others  that 
their  good  example  did  not  always  reach  those  who 
would  have  done  well  to  follow  it. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  4! 

The  presence  of  the  Moravians  in  the  colony 
would  have  promised  good  to  the  Indians;  but  the 
founder  of  the  settlement  always  had  their  conver- 
sion and  general  welfare  in  view,  and  did  his  best  to 
secure  them.  Tn  a  paper  which  is  still  preserved,  he 
says  that  he  has  held  conversations  with  them,  from 
which  he  is  satisfied  that  they  will  receive  Christian- 
ity as  soon  as  it  can  be  presented  by  one  who  under- 
stands their  language  and  their  feeling.  There  are 
some  aspects  of  morality,  he  says,  in  which  they  are 
already  exemplary.  Theft  is  a  thing  unknown 
among  the  Creeks,  though  common  among  the 
Uchees.  They  abhor  adultery,  and  do  not  approve 
a  plurality  of  wives.  Murder  they  condemn,  but 
they  do  not  give  that  name  to  the  destruction  of  an 
enemy,  or  of  one  who  has  done  them  wrong.  They 
excused  these  acts  of  revenge,  by  saying  that,  as  they 
had  no  tribunals  among  them,  this  immediate  retri- 
bution was  necessary  for  the  security  of  life  and 
honor.  It  is  only  in  requital  of  murder  and  adultery, 
however,  that  they  allow  this  summary  vengeance; 
in  the  former  case,  the  duties  assigned  by  public 
opinion  to  the  nearest  relation  are  precisely  similar 
to  those  of  the  Hebrew  "  avenger  of  blood." 

\Yhat  he  was  most  struck  with  in  their  social  sys- 
tem was  the  absence  of  all  coercive  power.  Public 
measures  were  debated  in  council  by  the  elders,  each 
of  whom  expressed  his  opinion  with  perfect  freedom. 
When  they  have  come  to  some  harmonious  result, 
they  call  in  the  young  men,  and  urge  them  to  execute 
the  plan  proposed  with  all  the  energy  in  their  power. 
He  was  very  much  struck  with  their  eloquence ;  with 


42  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

the  strength  of  its  painting,  and  its  force  of  expres- 
sion. Tomo  Chichi,  an  Indian  chief,  in  his  first  set 
speech,  gave  him  a  buffalo's  skin,  on  the  inside  of 
which  were  painted  the  head  and  feathers  of  an 
eagle.  The  eagle,  he  said,  signified  swiftness,  and 
the  buffalo  strength.  This  represented  the  force  of 
flight  with  which  the  English  came  over  the  waters, 
and  their  might  on  the  shore,  which  nothing  could 
withstand.  The  soft  feathers  were  a  sign  of  love, 
and  the  warm  fur  an  emblem  of  protection;  and 
these  he  hoped  the  English  would  always  extend  to 
his  small  and  helpless  people.  Their  bearing  was 
dignified  and  manly.  On  one  occasion,  an  Indian, 
who  presented  himself  to  the  Governor,  was  told  that 
he  might  speak  freely  and  without  fear.  He  an- 
swered, "  I  always  speak  freely;  why  should  I  fear? 
I  am  now  among  my  friends ;  and  I  never  fear  even 
among  my  enemies."  Oglethorpe  was  sagacious 
enough  to  know  that  the  greatest  danger  to  the  In- 
dians would  proceed  not  so  much  from  the  violent 
encroachment  of  the  whites  as  the  base  avarice  which 
would  supply  them  with  the  means  of  self-destruc- 
tion. This  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  he  endeav- 
ored to  save  his  own  Colonists,  as  well  as  their  neigh- 
bors, from  that  taste  for  intemperance,  which  is  the 
destroying  curse  of  a  civilized  as  well  as  a  savage 
people. 

With  that  regard  for  justice  and  humanity  which 
always  marked  his  proceedings,  Oglethorpe  thought 
it  necessary,  feeble  as  the  neighboring  Indians  were, 
to  obtain  a  formal  cession  of  their  lands,  and  to 
negotiate  a  treaty,  for  the  restraint  and  benefit  of 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  43 

both  parties.  With  this  view,  he  proposed  a  meeting 
to  Tomo  Chichi,  although  he  was  only  the  chief  of  a 
small  tribe  established  at  Yamacraw,  three  miles 
from  Savannah.  It  happened,  that  an  Indian 
woman  had  married  a  white  trader  by  the  name  of 
Musgrove,  and  had  learned  from  him  the  English 
language.  By  employing  her  services  as  an  inter- 
preter, the  apprehended  difficulty  of  communication 
was  at  once  removed.  But  the  old  chief  told  him 
that  the  land  in  question,  and  the  whole  region,  was 
claimed  by  the  tribes  of  Upper  and  Lower  Creeks, 
whose  consent  it  would  be  well  to  obtain;  and  for 
this  purpose  Tomo  Chichi  himself  was  employed  to 
solicit  the  head-men  of  those  tribes  to  attend  a  con- 
ference at  Savannah.  The  nation  of  Lower  Creeks 
consisted  of  nine  towns,  containing  about  one  thou- 
sand warriors ;  with  these  Tomo  Chichi  and  his  peo- 
ple were  connected.  The  other  two  were  the  Upper 
Creeks  and  Uchees,  the  latter  consisting  of  about  two 
hundred,  and  the  former  of  eleven  hundred,  men. 

While  these  arrangements  were  made,  the  Colo- 
nists were  doing  what  they  could  to  provide  perma- 
nent habitations  and  the  essential  comforts  of  civil- 
ized life.  After  finishing  a  crane  for  raising  goods 
to  the  bluff  from  the  river,  and  a  magazine  and  bat- 
tery of  cannon,  a  sort  of  preparation  which  usually 
accompanies  the  "  march  of  mind,"  they  began  to 
erect  houses,  which  work,  as  some  were  sick  and 
others  unused  to  labor,  was  necessarily  slow.  It  is 
pleasing  to  observe  that  they  looked  beyond  their 
immediate  wants ;  for  one  of  the  first  steps  taken  was 
the  laying  out  a  nursery  and  public  garden,  from 


44  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

which  the  people  might  be  supplied  with  plants  for 
their  own  cultivation,  and  also  with  vines,  oranges, 
olives,  and  mulberry-trees. 

A  letter  written  at  the  time  gives  an  interesting 
account  of  the  chief  of  the  enterprise,  and  shows  that, 
of  all  their  labors  and  sacrifices,  he  was  ready  to 
bear  more  than  his  part.  He  was  very  indifferent  as 
to  his  own  accommodations  of  every  kind,  but  very 
careful  to  secure  the  best  he  could  for  his  people.  In 
sickness  and  suffering,  he  was  sure  to  be  with  them ; 
but  his  discipline  was  exact  and  unyielding;  he  al- 
lowed no  idlers ;  all,  even  the  children,  were  provided 
with  something  to  do.  All  disputes  were  immediate- 
ly referred  to  him ;  as  he  could  have  no  personal  ends 
to  serve,  his  decisions  were  satisfactory  to  impartial 
minds.  The  letter  shows  not  only  the  energy  and 
disinterestedness  of  Oglethorpe,  but  also  the  confi- 
dence which  his  bearing  inspired ;  a  reward  which 
does  not  always  follow  those  who  best  deserve  it. 

Another  contemporary  authority  bears  the  same 
testimony  to  Oglethorpe,  in  a  pamphlet  called  "  A 
New  Voyage  to  Georgia,"  first  published  in  1735. 
The  writer  sailed  from  London  for  Charlestown  (as 
it  was  then  written)  in  1733,  and  arrived  after  a 
passage  of  three  months.  After  a  short  stay  there, 
he  proceeded  to  Savannah,  which  he  describes  as  a 
pleasant  town,  situated  on  a  beautiful  bluff  above  the 
river.  It  contained,  at  the  time,  about  forty  houses, 
all  of  the  same  size,  twenty-two  feet  by  sixteen.  The 
four  lofty  pines  under  which  the  first  encampment 
was  made  were  still  standing,  and  there  Oglethorpe 
himself  still  lived,  in  a  house  without  a  chimney,  and 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  45 

more  inconveniently  lodged  than  any  other  person. 
The  writer  says  of  him  that  "  he  is  a  worthy  gentle- 
man, and  one  that  has  undergone  a  great  many 
hardships  in  settling  of  it,  and  one  that  the  English 
nation  will  always  be  bound  to  pray  for.  It  is  to  be 
wished,  that  all  other  gentlemen,  especially  those 
that  have  it  in  their  power,  would  have  the  good  of 
their  country  and  of  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  as 
much  at  heart."  *  He  says  there  is  every  promise 
that  it  will  soon  be  a  flourishing  country.  In  the 
centre  of  the  town  was  a  place  reserved  for  a  church, 
which  was  to  be  erected  as  soon  as  possible.  Public 
worship,  meantime,  was  attended  in  a  building 
which  was  used  as  a  school-room  on  the  other  days 
of  the  w7eek. 

The  town  was  protected  by  a  large  guard-house, 
in  which  were  several  guns  mounted,  and  a  watch 
kept  night  and  day ;  a  lighthouse  was  building,  four- 
score feet  high,  to  be  set  upon  the  point  of  Tybee 
Island.  After  travelling  a  few  months,  the  writer 
made  a  second  visit  to  Savannah,  and  was  struck 
with  the  surprising  change  that  had  been  made  in 
less  than  half  a  year.  The  houses  were  not  only  in- 
creased from  forty  to  a  hundred,  but  they  had  settled 
several  villages  at  some  distance  from  the  town,  and 
were  fast  extending  plantations  on  the  Ogeechee  and 
other  rivers.  His  impression  was  that  no  colony  was 
ever  established  which  promised  so  much  advantage 
to  England.  He  thought  the  climate  the  finest  in  the 
world,  neither  the  cold  nor  the  heat  ever  going  to 
excess ;  the  land  appeared  to  be  good,  and  the  water 
*  "  A  New  Voyage  to  Georgia,"  p.  4. 


46  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

excellent;  the  culture  of  mulberries  and  vines  was 
well  suited  to  the  climate,  and  there  was  every  pros- 
pect of  succeeding  both  with  silk  and  wine.  These 
occasional  glimpses  at  the  new  settlement,  furnished 
by  those  who  had  no  interest  in  their  favor  nor 
against  them,  afford  the  surest  means  of  forming  a 
correct  judgment.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before 
serious  difficulties  rose,  and  statements  directly  con- 
tradictory to  each  other  made  it  difficult  to  ascertain 
the  true  condition  of  the  new  people. 

In  justice  to  their  neighbors  of  South  Carolina,  it 
should  not  be  forgotten  that  they  rendered  the  new 
Colony  their  most  friendly  and  efficient  aid.  They 
sent  Colonel  Bull,  a  man  of  energy  and  experience, 
familiar  with  the  work  of  clearing  the  land  for  a 
settlement,  who  took  with  him  men  and  provisions, 
that  he  might  not  burden  them  with  expense,  and 
gave  them  at  once  the  benefit  of  his  services,  his  in- 
structions, and  his  example.  A  detachment  of  sol- 
diers was  sent  to  protect  them,  while  they  should 
make  preparations  for  their  own  defence;  vessels 
belonging  to  South  Carolina  were  placed  at  their  dis- 
posal; a  hundred  cattle  and  a  score  of  swine  were 
sent  as  a  present,  together  with  twenty  barrels  of 
rice;  all  which  substantial  kindness  was  accompanied 
with  congratulations  on  their  success  and  warm 
wishes  for  their  future  welfare.  In  the  following 
summer,  Oglethorpe  made  a  visit  to  Charleston,  and 
appeared  before  the  Governor  and  House  of  Assem- 
bly, when  he  expressed  his  gratitude  to  them  in  an 
address,  thanking  them  for  their  sympathy  and  as- 
sistance in  the  name  of  the  trustees  of  the  infant 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  47 

colony,  and  also  of  the  distressed  persons  in  Britain, 
and  the  persecuted  Protestants  in  Europe,  all  of 
whom  were  deeply  interested  in  the  success  of  an  en- 
terprise which  would  offer  to  many  sufferers  a 
refuge,  a  resting-place,  and  a  home. 

It  should  also  be  commemorated  that  a  letter  was 
received  from  Thomas  Penn,  at  that  time  the  pro- 
prietor of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  he  expressed  his 
deep  interest  in  the  philanthropic  undertaking,  prom- 
ised all  the  aid  he  might  be  able  to  render,  and  in- 
formed them  that,  besides  subscribing  one  hundred 
pounds  himself,  he  was  employed  in  soliciting  sub- 
scriptions from  others. 

On  returning  from  Charleston,  where  he  made  no 
longer  stay  than  official  courtesy  required,  Ogle- 
thorpe  found  the  chiefs  of  the  Lower  Creeks  in  at- 
tendance at  Savannah,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
treaty  with  the  colony.  The  deputation  consisted  of 
chiefs  and  leading  warriors,  about  fifty  in  number. 
They  were  received  with  respect  and  kindness,  and 
invited  to  hold  a  council.  There  the  General  in- 
formed them  that  the  English,  in  coming  there,  had 
no  idea  of  troubling  or  disturbing  the  original  pro- 
prietors of  the  soil ;  they  wished  to  be  on  the  best 
terms  with  them,  and  were  desirous  to  obtain  from 
them  a  cession  of  lands,  and  to  enter  into  an  alliance 
for  the  benefit  of  both  parties.  Ouechachumpa,an  old 
chief,  rose,  and  replied  in  a  friendly  speech ;  and  a 
treaty  was  soon  concluded,by  which  the  Indians  ceded 
lands  on  the  Savannah  River  as  far  as  the  Ogeechee, 
and  all  the  lands  along  the  coasts  between  the  Savan- 
nah and  Altainaha  Rivers,  including  all  the  islands, 


48  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

and  extending  west  as  high  as  the  tide  flows.  A 
reservation  was  made  of  two  or  three  islands,  and  a 
small  tract  on  shore,  the  former  for  bathing  and 
fishing,  the  latter  for  an  encampment  when  visiting 
the  country.  The  presents,  on  the  part  of  the  Eng- 
lish, consisted  of  a  laced  coat,  a  hat,  and  a  shirt  to 
each  of  the  chiefs,  a  gun  with  powder  and  shot  to 
each  of  the  war-captains,  and  a  mantle  of  coarse 
cloth  to  each  of  the  men  who  accompanied  them. 
After  this  the  Indians  departed,  well  pleased  with  the 
regard  which  had  been  shown  them  and  the  evident 
disposition,  on  the  part  of  the  English  leader,  to  re- 
spect their  rights,  and  to  be  forbearing  in  the  use  of 
his  power. 

Soon  after  this,  Oglethorpe  took  with  him  a  de- 
tachment of  rangers  on  an  excursion  into  the  coun- 
try. He  selected  a  place  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Ogeechee  River,  which  commanded  the  passes 
through  which  the  Indians  had  been  in  the  habit  of 
making  inroads  on  Carolina.  On  a  commanding 
height  he  built  a  fortification,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Eort  Argyle,  in  honor  of  the  friend  and 
patron  of  his  early  years,  who  had  borne  testimony 
in  the  House  of  Lords  to  his  military  talent,  his  con- 
tempt of  danger,  his  generosity  of  spirit,  and  his  de- 
votion to  the  public  good.  The  object  of  this  outpost 
wras  to  guard  against  surprise  from  the  Spanish  posts 
in  Florida.  A  company  of  soldiers  was  stationed 
there  as  a  garrison,  and  several  families  from  Savan- 
nah established  themselves  as  cultivators  in  the 
neighboring  country. 

A  time  was  set  apart  in  the  following  month,  July, 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  49 

for  assigning  the  lots  in  Savannah,  and  marking  out 
the  wards  of  the  town.  The  lots  in  the  town  were 
small,  not  exceeding  a  quarter  of  an  acre ;  but  others 
of  five  acres  were  assigned  at  a  little  distance,  where 
the  settlers  could  raise  what  was  needed  for  their 
support.*  The  wards  and  tithings  were  then  desig- 
nated, each  ward  consisting  of  four  tithings,  and 
each  tithing  of  ten  houses.  This  was  followed  by  a 
religious  service  and  a  public  dinner,  the  latter  being 
the  usual  afterpiece  to  all  American  celebrations. 

This  proceeding  was  followed  by  the  establish- 
ment of  tribunals  of  justice,  for  which  purpose  offi- 
cers were  appointed  and  a  system  set  in  operation. 
But  it  was  easier  to  devise  and  frame  the  necessary 
arrangements  than  to  carry  them  into  effect;  and 
with  all  the  good  intentions  of  the  trustees,  which 
could  not  be  doubted,  it  was  found  that  their  reserva- 
tion of  all  power  in  their  own  hands  for  twenty-one 
years  gave  them  the  aspect  of  a  body  having  inter- 
ests opposed  to  those  of  the  people.  Such  certainly 
was  the  impression  of  the  Colonists ;  and  the  natural 
result  was  that  all  the  inconveniences  and  hard- 
ships, inseparable  from  an  enterprise  of  the  kind, 
were  ascribed  at  once  to  abuse  of  power.  There  was 
no  common  interest  among  them ;  the  restless  and 
discontented  found  none  who  were  strongly  inter- 
ested and  determined  to  put  them  down ;  as  the  gov- 
ernment was  not  their  own  affair,  there  were  few 
who  cared  much  whether  it  was  sustained  or  resisted. 
In  all  new  settlements,  there  are  numberless  causes 
of  complaint  and  disunion ;  but  in  popular  govern- 

*  '•  A  New  Voyage  to  Georgia,"  p.  6 
A.  B.,  VOL.  iv.  —  4 


50  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ments  they  work  themselves  off,  without  danger  of 
explosion.  In  that  age,  the  difficulty  and  danger  of 
attempting  to  suppress  them  by  power  was  little  un- 
derstood ;  our  age  has  learned  it  from  many  a  his- 
tory, written  deep  in  blood. 

It  was  the  intention  of  Oglethorpe,  at  this  time, 
after  the  first  laborious  efforts  of  colonization  were 
over,  to  make  a  tour  through  the  provinces  before  re- 
turning to  England.  His  fame  had  gone  before  him ; 
and  no  sooner  was  his  purpose  known  in  Massachu- 
setts than  Governor  Belcher  addressed  a  letter  to 
him,  containing  an  offer  of  an  honorable  welcome  at 
his  own  house  in  Boston,  which  was  followed  by  a 
vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  province, 
in  which  they  acknowledged,  in  terms  of  the  highest 
respect,  his  services  to  the  cause  of  humanity  at 
large ;  and  for  themselves  they  said :  "  The  Assem- 
bly are  well  knowing  of  the  many  good  offices  he 
hath  done  this  province,  in  that,  when  the  interest, 
trade,  and  business  thereof  have  been  under  the  con- 
sideration of  the  British  Parliament,  he  hath,  in  a 
distinguishing  manner,  consulted  measures  to  per- 
petuate the  peace  and  lasting  happiness  of  this  gov- 
ernment; and,  as  his  worthy  and  generous  actions 
justly  deserve  a  most  grateful  and  public  acknowl- 
edgment, they  assure  him  that  this  country  will  re- 
tain a  lasting  remembrance  of  his  great  benefac- 
tions." *  Unfortunately,  the  pressure  of  business, 
which  was  never  lightened,  prevented  his  visit  to 

*  Alluding  doubtless  to  the  part  taken  by  Oglethorpe,  in 
Parliament,  against  the  Sugar  Act,  in  1732;  by  which  act,  the 
northern  colonists  believed  their  interests  to  be  sacrificed  to  the 
clamors  of  the  sugar  planters  in  the  West  India  Islands. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  51 

New  England,  where  he  would  have  been  received 
with  an  enthusiasm  which  the  government  and  peo- 
ple, not  always  harmonious  in  other  measures,  would 
have  united  on  this  occasion  to  show  to  one  who  was 
regarded  as  the  benefactor  of  America  and  the  friend 
of  man. 


CHAPTER  V 

Arrival  of  the  Saltzburgers. — Settlement  of  Ebenezer. — Indian 
Chiefs  in  England. — Interest  in  the  Conversion  of  the  In- 
dians.— Engagement  of  the  Wesleys. — Highland  Emigrants. 
— Settlement  of  Frederica. 

THE  year  1734  was  made  remarkable  by  the  addi- 
tion of  the  Saltzburgers  to  the  colony.  These  were 
Protestants,  who  were  compelled,  by  persecutions 
for  conscience'  sake,  to  fly  from  their  homes  in 
Bavaria  in  the  dead  of  winter.  A  portion  of  them 
found  refuge  in  the  Prussian  territories ;  but  others, 
in  the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in  converting  the 
Indians,  were  desirous  to  seek  a  place  of  rest  beyond 
the  sea.  Great  sympathy  was  felt  for  them  in  Eng- 
land; and,  after  it  was  ascertained  that  such  was 
their  wish,  a  ship  was  sent  to  transport  them  from 
Rotterdam  to  Dover.  They  embarked,  accordingly, 
in  January,  1734,  under  the  charge  of  Baron  Von 
Reck,  and  their  pastors,  John  Martin  Bolzius  and 
Israel  Christian  Gronau.  Their  conduct  on  the  voy- 
age was  such  as  strongly  to  impress  all  observers 
with  respect  for  their  single-minded  and  heavenly 
devotion;  and,  after  many  hardships,  they  arrived 
at  Charleston  on  the  7th  of  March,  at  a  time  when 
Oglethorpe  unexpectedly  was  there  to  bid  them  wel- 
come. With  his  usual  kindness,  he  supplied  their 
ship  with  provisions,  and  treated  them  with  a  gen- 

52 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  53 

erous  sympathy,  which  they  did  not  soon  forget.  On 
the  loth,  they  reached  Savannah,  on  the  Sabbath; 
and  "  as  they  lay  off  the  shore,  and  heard  the  birds 
singing  sweetly,"  it  seemed  to  them  that,  after  their 
many  sufferings,  they  had  been  conducted  at  last  to  a 
resting-place  and  a  home. 

The  Colonists,  who  knew  their  history,  received 
them  with  the  warmest  kindness.  Barracks  and 
tents  were  provided  for  them  till  the  return  of  Ogle- 
thorpe,  who  was  at  Charleston,  on  his  way  to  Eng- 
land, but  was  determined  to  see  the  Saltzburgers 
provided  for  before  he  left  them.  He  had  promised 
that  they  should  choose  the  place  which  suited  them 
best ;  which  they  described  as  a  "  place  distant  from 
the  sea,  on  a  gently-rising  ground,  with  intervening 
vales,  near  springs  of  water,  and  on  the  border  of  a 
small  river  or  brook;  "  such  being  the  description  of 
their  former  home.  As  soon  as  he  returned,  there- 
fore, he  went  up  the  river  in  company  with  the  eld- 
ers, and  at  the  house  of  Musgrove,  about  six  miles 
from  Savannah,  they  took  horses,  and  moved  in  a 
westerly  direction  through  the  woods,  till  they  came 
to  a  river,  where  the  adjacent  land  was  hilly,  with 
valleys  of  cane-land,  in  which  were  little  brooks  and 
springs  of  water.  This  they  selected  at  once;  and, 
kneeling  down  by  the  river  side,  they  thanked  God 
for  having  brought  them  through  so  many  dangers 
to  "  a  land  of  rivers  and  fountains,  a  land  of  valleys 
and  hills."  With  the  Bible  in  their  hands,  they 
marked  out  a  place  where  the  settlement  should  be- 
gin, and  there  sang  a  hymn ;  after  which  the  pastor 
pronounced  a  benediction,  and  the  name  Ebenezcr 


54  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

was  given  to  it.  "  Hitherto  the  Lord  hath 
helped  us !  " 

The  opinion  which  the  exiles  expressed  of  Ogle- 
thorpe  was  undoubtedly  sincere;  it  is  found  in  the 
journal  of  Bolzius,  their  pastor,  who  writes :  "  So 
far  as  we  can  conclude  from  a  short  acquaintance 
with  him,  he  is  a  man  who  has  a  great  reverence  for 
God  and  his  holy  word  and  ordinances,  a  cordial  love 
for  the  servants  and  children  of  God,  and  who  wishes 
to  see  the  name  of  Christ  glorified  in  all  places.  So 
blest  have  been  his  undertakings  and  his  presence  in 
this  land,  that  more  hath  been  accomplished  by  him 
in  one  year  than  others  would  have  effected  in  many. 
And  since  the  people  here  have  so  good  cause  to  ap- 
preciate his  right  fatherly  disposition,  his  indefatiga- 
ble toil  for  their  welfare,  and  his  illustrious  qualities, 
they  feel  that  his  departure  would  be  a  real  loss  to 
them.  For  he  hath  cared  for  us  with  a  most  provi- 
dent solicitude.  We  unite  in  prayer  for  him,  that 
God  would  guide  him  to  his  home,  make  his  voyage 
safe  and  prosperous,  and  enrich  him  with  many 
blessings."* 

When  this  business  was  concluded,  he  returned  to 
Charleston  in  company  with  a  retinue  of  Indian 
chiefs,  who  were  to  go  with  him  to  England,  where 
their  presence,  which  was  then  a  novelty,  was  likely 
to  attract  the  general  attention  and  produce  a  favora- 
ble effect.  They  took  passage  in  the  Aldborough 
man-of-war,  which,  after  a  passage  of  little  more 
than  a  month,  arrived  in  England  on  the  i6th  of 
June,  1734. 

*  Harris's  "  Oglethorpe,"  p.  88. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  55 

He  immediately  sent  word  of  his  arrival  to  the 
trustees,  who  received  him  with  honors  and  con- 
gratulations, giving  entertainments  as  a  mark  of 
public  respect,  and  unanimously  voting  their  thanks 
for  "  the  ability,  zeal,  and  perseverance  with  which 
he  had  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  settlement,"  and 
assuring  him  "  that  they  should  ever  hold  his  ser- 
vices in  grateful  remembrance."  From  the  prints  of 
the  day  it  appears  that  his  return  created  a  consid- 
erable sensation  in  England.  Complimentary  verses, 
which  were  not  then  the  same  depreciated  currency 
as  at  present,  were  liberally  dispensed  to  him ;  his 
name  was  established  among  men  of  large  views  and 
energetic  action,  as  a  distinguished  benefactor  of 
mankind. 

The  Indians  were  provided  for  at  the  Georgia 
Office ;  and  when  they  were  suitably  dressed,  and 
had  painted  their  faces,  a  fashion,  by  the  way,  not 
wholly  unknown  in  court  circles  before  they  came, 
they  were  taken  to  the  palace  at  Kensington,  to  be 
seen  by  the  King  and  courtiers.  Tomo  Chichi  was 
the  orator  on  the  occasion.  He  said  to  the  King 
"  that  he  had  come  to  see  his  person,  the  greatness 
of  his  house,  and  the  number  of  his  people.  He  was 
himself  too  old  to  expect  any  personal  advantage; 
but  he  hoped  to  secure  the  benefits  of  knowledge  and 
religion  for  his  people."  He  then  offered  the  feath- 
ers of  an  eagle  to  the  King,  saying,  "  I  present  to 
you,  in  their  name,  the  feathers  of  an  eagle,  which  is 
the  swiftest  of  birds,  and  flieth  round  our  nations. 
These  feathers  are  emblems  of  peace  in  our  land,  and 
have  been  carried  from  town  to  town  to  witness  it. 


56  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

We  have  brought  them  to  you,  to  be  a  pledge  of 
peace  on  our  part,  to  be  kept  on  yours."  The  King 
made  a  gracious  reply,  after  which  they  were  pre- 
sented to  Queen  Caroline,  who  was  in  truth  the 
reigning  monarch.  She  was  addressed  with  respect 
and  good  taste  by  an  aged  chief ;  and,  after  they  had 
been  introduced  to  the  whole  royal  family,  they  re- 
turned to  their  lodgings.  They  remained  four 
months  in  England,  receiving  every  attention  which 
might  inspire  them  with  friendly  feeling  and  respect 
for  the  power  and  resources  of  the  country ;  and  they 
appear  to  have  borne  themselves  throughout  with 
that  instinctive  propriety  and  self-command  which 
are  the  distinguishing  traits  of  the- race  to  which  they 
belonged. 

Oglethorpe  remained  in  England  after  their  re- 
turn, to  attend  to  his  public  and  private  duties;  but 
he  retained  his  full  interest  in  the  colony.  At  his 
suggestion,  the  trustees  prepared  a  regulation,  which 
was  matured  by  the  government  into  a  law  "  for 
maintaining  peace  with  the  Indians."  A  subsidiary 
measure  of  great  importance  was  also  taken,  by  pass- 
ing an  Act  to  prevent  the  importation  and  use  of  all 
kinds  of  ardent  spirits,  and  also  to  supply  their  place 
with  beer  and  wines ;  the  philosophy  of  the  day  not 
having  reached  the  discovery  that  the  taste  created 
by  temperate  indulgence  in  the  one  naturally  leads 
on  to  the  excessive  use  of  the  other.  Another  Act 
reenforced  the  provisions  already  made  to  prevent 
the  importation  of  slaves,  giving  as  a  reason  the  ex- 
pense of  their  purchase  and  support,  and  the'  cer- 
tainty that  white  labor  would  be  brought  into  con- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  57 

tempt,  if  work  could  be  done  by  other  hands.  There 
was  a  difference  of  opinion,  as  to  the  propriety  of 
these  prohibitory  statutes;  but  Governor  Belcher, 
alluding  to  Georgia,  records  his  approbation  in  the 
words :  "  I  still  insist  upon  it  that  these  regula- 
tions are  essential  to  its  healthy  and  prosperous 
condition." 

The  attention  of  the  Indians,  while  in  England, 
had  been  directed  to  the  education  and  religion  of 
the  whites,  as  the  great  elements  of  their  superior 
prosperity  and  strength.  Oglethorpe  endeavored  to 
deepen  that  impression,  and  also  to  provide  the 
means  of  instructing  them  in  all  those  things  which 
it  was  most  important  for  them  to  know.  For  this 
purpose  he  appealed  to  the  evangelical  Wilson, 
Bishop  of  Sodor  and  Man,  to  prepare  a  manual 
suited  to  the  purpose.  He  did  so  without  delay,  and 
the  work  was  printed  at  the  expense  of  the  "  Society 
for  Propagating  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts."  In 
the  preface  he  states,  that  he  was  moved  by  General 
Oglethorpe's  great  and  generous  concern,  and  his 
well-known  endeavors  in  behalf  of  that  unfortunate 
people,  to  do  what  little  was  in  his  power  toward 
smoothing  the  way  for  them  to  receive  the  gospel. 

The  trustees,  after  this,  began  to  look  round  for 
fit  persons  to  employ  as  preachers  at  Savannah,  with 
a  view,  also,  to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.  At 
the  suggestion  of  Dr.  John  Burton,  who  was  one  of 
the  Board,  they  turned  their  attention  to  the  cele- 
brated John  Wesley,  then  a  young  man,  well  known 
for  his  great  attainments  and  earnest  piety.  Ogle- 
thorpe was  not  unacquainted  with  the  family,  having 


58  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

had  some  communication  with  the  father,  to  whose 
published  works  he  subscribed  to  the  amount  of 
twenty  pounds.  When  he  proposed  the  mission  to 
Wesley,  he  declined  at  once;  but  he  was  so  wrought 
upon  by  the  representations  made  of  the  good  which 
he  might  do,  that,  after  a  time,  he  agreed  to  go,  in 
case  his  mother  should  consent.  He  thought  it  very 
unlikely  that  she  could  be  reconciled  to  his  leaving 
her  soon  after  his  father's  death,  which  brought 
poverty,  loneliness,  and  sorrow  upon  her;  but,  with 
that  lofty  spirit,  for  which  she  was  remarkable,  she 
said,  as  soon  as  it  was  mentioned  to  her,  that,  if  she 
had  twenty  sons,  she  should  rejoice  to  have  them  so 
employed,  though  she  should  never  see  them  more.* 
He  consulted  with  William  Law  and  John  Byrom 
the  poet,  and  was  so  much  encouraged  by  their  sym- 
pathy and  hope  of  benefit  to  mankind  from  his  ser- 
vices, that  he  entered  heartily  into  the  work,  from 
which  he  had  shrunk  at  first,  probably  from  the  con- 
sciousness that  he  was  better  qualified  for  other  fields 
of  duty. 

Before  these  arrangements  were  carried  into  ef- 
fect, it  was  found  necessary  to  do  something  for  the 
temporal  welfare  of  the  colony.  A  considerable  pro- 
portion of  the  first  settlers  had  begun  to  exhibit  the 
same  points  of  character  in  their  new  home  which 
had  reduced  them  to  distress  in  England ;  and,  as 
their  wants  were  supplied  till  they  could  rely  upon 
themselves,  they  had  not  the  impulse  of  stern  neces- 
sity to  drive  them  to  exertion.  The  trustees  began 
to  look  for  better  materials ;  they  saw  that  it  required 
*  Southey's  "  Life  of  Wesley,"  Vol.  I.  p.  90. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  59 

hardy,  judicious,  and  resolute  men  to  constitute  a 
state,  and  that  there  must  be  at  least  enough  of  that 
description  to  give  a  prevailing  spirit  to  the  whole. 
While,  therefore,  they  offered  liberal  terms  to  those 
who  chose  to  emigrate,  they  endeavored  to  impress 
upon  their  minds  that  they  must  encounter  great 
hardships,  though  they  were  supplied  with  lands  and 
provisions  for  a  year.  The  woods  were  to  be  cleared 
away,  and  the  land  subdued  to  cultivation,  which 
was  a  work  of  toil  and  time.  The  climate  was  op- 
pressive in  summer,  and,  by  a  curious  alliance  of 
evils,  they  were  told  that  flies  and  thunder-storms 
abounded.*  If  they  \vere  prepared  with  strong 
hands  and  hearts  to  give  battle  to  difficulties  and 
dangers,  they  were  advised  to  go;  otherwise,  they 
were  assured  that  the  colony  \vas  no  place  for  them, 
Several  were  dismayed  at  this  representation ;  but, 
as  the  number  of  applicants  was  far  greater  than 
could  be  received,  there  was  no  failure  of  numbers. 
In  Scotland,  the  enterprise  met  with  great  favor; 
one  hundred  and  thirty  Highlanders,  with  fifty 
women  and  children,  enrolled  themselves  for  the 
expedition ;  and,  from  their  hardy  habits,  they  were 
thought  excellent  settlers  for  the  exposed  frontiers. 
Oglethorpe,  who  was  the  soul  of  all  these  move- 
ments, was  diligent  in  making  arrangements  for  the 
safety  and  success  of  the  emigration,  preparing  tools, 
provisions,  clothing,  and  other  stores  for  the  settlers, 
and  comforts  of  various  kinds  for  the  voyage;  not 

*  Moore's  "  Voyage  to  Georgia,"  p.  9.  This  volume  was  pub- 
lished in  1744,  but  the  regulations  here  alluded  to  were  adopted 
in  July,  1735. 


6o  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

with  reference  to  himself,  however;  for  we  are  as- 
sured, by  a  fellow-passenger,  that,  while  he  made 
these  preparations,  he  paid  the  passage  of  the  gentle- 
men who  were  with  him  and  his  servants,  and 
scarcely  ever  ate  anything  but  the  common  pro- 
visions of  the  ship.  There  were  two  vessels  em- 
ployed, each  of  about  two  hundred  and  twenty  tons, 
the  Symond  and  London  Merchant.  The  govern- 
ment offered  a  vessel  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
General ;  but  he  declined  the  offer,  preferring  to  ac- 
company the  emigrants,  that  he  might  take  care  of 
their  health  and  welfare  on  the  voyage.  A  consid- 
erable number  of  Saltzburgers  and  other  Protestants 
from  the  Continent  joined  themselves  to  this  party. 
The  arrangements  for  the  passage  showed  a  re- 
gard for  the  laws  of  health,  of  which  we  can  trace 
few  examples  in  the  history  of  the  time.  The  ships 
were  supplied  by  the  trustees  with  vegetables  of 
every  kind  that  could  be  preserved,  which  were  to 
be  dealt  out  with  salt  provisions,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  scurvy.  The  ships  were  divided  into  cabins,  with 
gangways  between  them,  each  cabin  having  its  door 
and  partition ;  in  these  they  were  disposed  by  fam- 
ilies, the  single  persons  being  placed  by  themselves. 
There  were  constables  appointed  to  prevent  disorder 
of  every  kind ;  the  men  were  exercised  in  the  use  of 
arms,  and  the  women  provided  with  cloth,  needles, 
and  thread,  to  keep  up  their  habits  of  industry.  The 
vessels  were  kept  rigidly  clean,  and  washed  with 
vinegar  and  water  as  often  as  the  weather  would 
allow.  In  case  of  sickness,  the  General  visited  the 
patient,  and  provided  him  from  his  own  stores  with 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  6 1 

everything1  for  his  comfort  and  relief.  Such  was  the 
effect  of  this  humane  and  enlightened  attention  that 
not  an  individual  died  on  board  the  crowded  vessels 
in  the  long  and  weary  voyage,  which  lasted  more 
than  three  months.  They  arrived  at  Savannah  on 
the  5th  of  February,  1736. 

The  duties  of  religion  were  not  neglected  on  board 
the  vessels.  The  Wesleys,  for  Charles  accompanied 
his  brother,  read  prayers  twice  a  day.  On  Sundays 
they  preached,  catechized  the  children,  and  adminis- 
tered the  Lord's  supper.  The  dissenters,  of  various 
descriptions,  conducted  their  worship  in  their  own 
way.  it  being  the  order  of  the  General  that  they 
should  enjoy  their  faith,  whatever  it  was,  in  peace. 
Wesley  appears  to  have  been  profoundly  impressed 
with  the  pious  simplicity  of  the  Germans.  They  per- 
formed every  servile  office  for  the  other  passengers, 
without  allowing  any  acknowledgment  to  be  made 
them;  and,  if  they  were  treated  with  injury  and 
contempt  to  any  degree,  they  bore  it  with  unaltered 
kindness  and  good-will.  Wesley  did  not  feel  him- 
self prepared  to  die,  and  was  anxious  to  know  what 
their  feeling  in  the  prospect  of  death  would  be.  A 
storm  rose  while  they  were  engaged  in  their  religious 
services ;  the  sea  covered  the  ship,  split  the  mainsail, 
and  poured  down  between  the  decks  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  convinced  the  passengers  that  their  last  hour 
was  come;  but,  while  the  cry  of  despair  rose  on  all 
sides,  and  the  thunder  of  the  tempest  sounded,  the 
voice  of  the  Moravians  was  heard  at  intervals  calmly 
singing  praise  to  God.* 

*  Southey,  Vol.  I.  p.  94. 


62  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

The  Reverend  Henry  Moore  relates  an  incident 
concerning  Wesley,  which  is  very  honorable  to  him, 
and  also  throws  light  on  the  character  of  the  General, 
who,  like  almost  all  other  men  of  great  energy,  had 
fire  slumbering  within.  Wesley,  hearing  a  great 
noise  in  the  cabin,  stepped  in  to  inquire  the  cause; 
he  found  Grimaldi,  the  General's  foreign  servant, 
pale  and  trembling  before  his  master,  who  said, 
"  Mr.  Wesley,  you  must  excuse  me.  I  have  met 
with  a  provocation  too  great  for  a  man  to  bear. 
You  know  that  I  drink  only  Cyprus  wine,  which 
agrees  with  me  best  of  any.  I  therefore  provided 
myself  with  several  dozens  of  it,  and  this  villain  has 
drunk  up  the  whole.  But  I  will  be  revenged  on  him. 
I  have  ordered  him  to  be  bound  hand  and  foot,  and 
carried  to  the  man-of-war  that  sails  with  us.  The 
rascal  should  have  taken  care  not  to  serve  me  so,  for 
I  never  forgive."  "  Then  I  hope,  Sir,"  said  Wesley, 
"  that  you  never  sin."  The  General  at  once  put  his 
hand  into  his  pocket,  and  took  out  a  bunch  of  keys, 
which  he  threw  to  Grimaldi,  saying,  "  There,  take 
my  keys,  and  behave  better  for  the  future." 

After  the  long  passage  across  the  Atlantic,  the 
sight  of  land  was  more  than  welcome.  Wesley  says : 
'  The  groves  of  pine  along  the  shore  made  an  agree- 
able prospect,  showing,  as  it  were,  the  verdure  and 
bloom  of  Spring  in  the  depth  of  winter."  After  a 
night  of  quiet  rest,  they  went  ashore  on  a  small 
island,  where  they  all  kneeled  and  returned  thanks  to 
God  for  their  safe  arrival.  Then,  leaving  the  party, 
the  General  proceeded  to  Savannah,  where  he  was 
received  with  an  enthusiastic  welcome.  But  his  first 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  63 

care  was  to  provide  for  the  emigrants;  as  soon  as 
possible  he  sent  them  refreshments  and  provisions, 
and,  shortly  after,  visited  them  himself,  carrying  a 
supply  of  beef,  pork,  venison,  and  wild  turkeys,  to- 
gether with  vegetables  of  various  kinds,  which  were 
not  only  grateful  to  those  who  had  been  so  long  con- 
fined on  shipboard,  but  an  encouraging  sign  of  what 
abundance  could  be  found  in  a  region  which  had 
been  settled  but  three  years. 

In  some  respects,  he  was  doomed  to  disappoint- 
ment and  vexation.  Before  he  returned  to  England, 
he  had  made  a  contract,  and  provided  materials  for 
the  construction  of  a  lighthouse ;  but,  on  his  return, 
he  found  that  the  work  had  been  entirely  neglected, 
which  was  owing  in  part  to  unfaithfulness  and  want 
of  energy  in  the  contractor,  and  in  some  measure  to 
the  use  of  ardent  spirits,  which  had  been  introduced 
in  defiance  of  the  law.  It  was  a  disappointment  also 
to  find  that  the  Germans  were  not  disposed  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  south,  to  make  a  settlement  on  the  fron- 
tier of  the  province,  which  was  the  chief  object  of  the 
expedition,  some  because  they  apprehended  trouble 
from  invasion,  war  being  against  their  conscience, 
and  others  from  a  desire  to  enjoy  the  services  of  the 
clergymen  who  were  settled  at  Ebenezer.  There 
was  some  uneasiness  also  in  that  Moravian  colony. 
The  pastors  came  to  Savannah  with  the  petition  of 
the  people  for  leave  to  remove,  for  reasons  which  do 
not  all  appear.  Their  complaint  was,  that  the  land 
was  poor,  and  that  the  corn  harvest  had  failed ;  but 
they  evidently  abounded  in  everything,  and  their 
patient  industry  had  already  made  the  wilderness 


64  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

blossom  like  the  rose.  The  General  was  not  dis- 
posed to  deal  hardly  with  so  valuable  members  of 
society ;  and,  after  strongly  advising  them  to  remain, 
but  to  no  purpose,  he  consented  to  their  forming  a 
new  settlement  on  the  Savannah  River. 

In  Savannah  and  its  immediate  neighborhood,  the 
aspect  of  things  was  promising.  There,  too,  was  dis- 
content; but  it  might  be  traced  to  the  improvident 
and  the  idle,  who  found  it  as  difficult  to  prosper  with- 
out labor  there  as  everywhere  else  in  the  world.  In 
the  town,  about  two  hundred  houses  had  been  built, 
many  of  them  much  larger  than  the  one  inhabited 
by  the  Governor,  which  was  of  the  small  dimensions 
first  erected.  They  stood  on  lots  sixty  feet  wide  by 
ninety  deep,  a  size  which  gave  room  for  ornamental 
cultivation,  and  secured  the  town  from  the  danger 
of  spreading  fires.  The  rent  of  the  best  was  thirty, 
and  that  of  the  poorest,  ten  pounds.  Large  squares 
were  left  at  proper  intervals;  and  these,  as  well  as 
the  streets,  were  shaded  with  trees.  The  botanical 
garden  was  situated  at  the  east  of  the  town,  on  the 
sloping  bank,  and  included  the  alluvial  ground  be- 
low. It  supplied  the  settlers  with  such  vegetables 
and  seeds  as  were  necessary  for  the  cultivation  of 
their  own  grounds ;  there  was  also  an  extensive  nur- 
sery of  fruit-trees  connected  with  it ;  on  the  borders 
of  the  walks  were  orange,  olive,  and  fig-trees,  pome- 
granates, and  vines.  In  the  warmest  part  was  a  col- 
lection of  tropical  plants,  such  as  coffee  and  cotton, 
cultivated,  by  way  of  experiment,  to  ascertain  what 
the  climate  would  allow.  Various  specimens  were 
furnished,  some  by  Mr.  Eveleigh,  a  public-spirited 
merchant  of  Charleston,  and  others  by  Dr.  Houston, 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  65 

from  the  Spanish  West  Indies,  where  he  was  sent  by 
Sir  Hans  Sloane  and  others  to  collect  and  transmit 
them  to  Georgia.  Great  pains  were  taken  to  culti- 
vate the  tea  plant,  but  entirely  without  success. 

Large  squares  in  the  garden  were  planted  with 
mulberry-trees,  and  worms  were  fed  and  silk  pro- 
duced without  difficulty ;  but  there  was  much  trouble 
with  the  Indians,  one  of  whom  stole  the  machines, 
broke  the  apparatus  and  the  eggs  which  he  could  not 
carry  away,  and  fled  to  South  Carolina.  Those  who 
continued  faithful  had  saved  a  few  eggs;  but  the 
work  was  necessarily  suspended  for  the  year. 

A  party  of  Highlanders,  who  had  settled  on  the 
Altamaha  River,  were  obliged  to  abandon  their 
garrison,  by  the  want  of  supplies  and  communication 
with  Carolina.  The  General  sent  a  party  of  rangers 
to  their  aid,  and,  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  the  diffi- 
culty, surveyors  to  mark  out  a  road  from  Savannah 
to  the  Altamaha.  Tomo  Chichi  furnished  them 
with  Indian  guides.  That  chief,  together  with 
Scenauky,  his  wife,  and  other  attendants,  paid  a  visit 
to  the  General  on  board  the  ship,  bringing  a  present 
of  venison,  milk,  and  honey.  They  informed  him 
that  the  Uchee  Indians  made  loud  complaints  of 
planters,  with  negroes  and  cattle,  coming  into  their 
country  in  defiance  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty ;  to 
which  he  replied  by  a  written  order  to  the  public 
authorities  to  give  warning  to  such  offenders,  and  to 
seize  their  slaves,  if  they  did  not  remove  within  three 
days.  At  the  same  time,  the  law  of  Parliament,  in 
relation  to  the  subject,  was  sent,  with  directions  to 
publish  it  to  all  concerned. 
A.  B.,  VOL.  iv.  —  5 


66  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

All  this  while,  the  General  was  impatient  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  establishment  of  the  new  town  near 
the  southern  frontier  of  the  province,  for  which  pur- 
pose the  last  emigrants  had  come.  He  was  appre- 
hensive lest  the  Spaniards  might  proceed  against  the 
Highlanders  there,  if  they  were  not  supported;  and 
much  damage  of  goods  and  danger  of  sickness  might 
also  arise  from  delay.  The  captains  of  the  ships  did 
not  like  to  encounter  the  dangerous  navigation  near 
the  islands.  He,  therefore,  bought  the  cargo  of  the 
sloop  Midnight,  on  condition  that  it  should  be  de- 
livered at  a  station  near  the  Altamaha  River.  He 
went  himself,  in  the  scout-boat,  which  was  a  sort  of 
revenue  cutter,  of  so  light  draught  that  it  could  ven- 
ture through  the  channels  between  the  mainland  and 
the  islands,  while  the  sloop  was  to  follow,  more  at 
leisure,  with  arms,  ammunition,  intrenching  tools, 
and  efficient  men.  The  scout-boat  being  moved  with 
oars  as  well  as  sails,  they  went  forward  without  de- 
lay, the  men  being  anxious  to  please  the  General, 
who  supplied  them  liberally,  without  regard  to  his 
own  wants.  The  Indians,  also,  begged  leave  to  do 
their  part.  They  soon  arrived  at  the  Island  of  St. 
Simons,  where  the  new  settlement  was  to  be  made. 
As  soon  as  they  could  land  from  the  scout-boat  and 
the  sloop,  which  arrived  at  about  the  same  time,  they 
immediately  commenced  their  labor.  The  long  grass 
was  removed  by  fire,  booths  were  erected  and 
thatched  with  palmetto  leaves,  for  a  temporary  lodg- 
ing, and,  as  they  were  not  without  apprehensions  of 
clanger,  a  fort  with  ditches  and  ramparts  was  at  once 
begun.  This  was  the  foundation  of  the  town  of 
Frederica. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  67 

When  these  things  were  planned  and  set  in  order, 
he  went  to  visit  Darien,  a  settlement  of  the  High- 
landers, about  ten  miles  from  Frederica,  on  the 
northern  branch  of  the  Altamaha  River.  The 
Highlanders  received  him  in  military  array,  making 
an  imposing  appearance  with  their  plaids  and  broad- 
swords. In  compliment  to  them,  he  wore  a  similar 
dress,  and  gratified  them,  also,  by  his  hardy  habits 
of  exposure;  since,  instead  of  accepting  the  comfort- 
able lodgings  prepared  for  him,  lie  wrapped  himself 
in  his  plaid  at  night  and  slept  upon  the  ground.  He 
found  the  people  prosperous  and  contented ;  their 
minister,  Mr.  AIcLeod,  was  devoted  to  his  religious 
concerns,  and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  any 
other.  They  were  greatly  delighted  to  find  that  they 
were  to  be  sustained  by  a  new  town  so  near  them, 
and  also  that  a  road  was  to  be  made,  by  which  they 
could  communicate  with  Savannah ;  for,  however 
fearless,  they  were  few  in  number,  and  their  dangers 
were  of  a  kind  which  they  could  not  meet  alone. 

One  who  accompanied  the  Governor  in  this  expe- 
dition describes  Frederica  as  situated  on  the  Island 
of  St.  Simons,  on  the  middle  of  a  field  of  the  Indians, 
where  they  had  cleared  and  cultivated  about  forty 
acres.  The  open  ground,  on  which  the  town  stood, 
was  bounded  by  a  small  wood  towards  the  east,  on 
the  other  side  of  which  was  a  fine  savanna  of  about 
two  hundred  acres,  affording  food  for  their  cattle. 
On  the  south  were  woods  consisting  of  red  bay  and 
live-oak  trees,  which  were  reserved  for  the  public 
service,  while  those  on  the  north  were  set  apart  for 
the  purposes  of  fire  and  building.*  The  settlers  were 
*•'  Georgia  Historical  Collections,"  Vol.  I.  p.  115. 


68  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

greatly  delighted  with  the  rich  forests,  which 
abounded  with  water-oak,  laurel,  bay,  cedar,  gum, 
sassafras,  and,  above  all,  with  the  live-oak,  an  ever- 
green of  great  beauty  for  shade,  and  invaluable  for 
ship-building.  In  this  region  they  were  also  en- 
couraged, by  seeing  the  abundance  of  vines  in  the 
woods,  to  hope  that  much  might  be  done  in  the  pro- 
duction of  wine.  The  forests  abounded  with  deer 
and  rabbits,  raccoons  and  squirrels.  Game  was  also 
found  in  great  plenty  on  the  islands,  and  still  more 
so  on  the  mainland,  such  as  the  wild  turkey,  so  called 
from  the  strange  notion  that  it  came  from  the  coun- 
try whose  name  it  bears,  the  partridge,  the  turtle- 
dove, the  rice-bird,  the  bobolink  of  New  England; 
while  the  red-bird  and  the  mocking-bird  filled  the 
air  with  strains  of  wild  music,  such  as  they  had 
heard  in  no  other  land. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Settlement  of  Rights  and  Boundaries. — Hostilities  appre- 
hended.— Oglethorpe's  Influence  with  the  Indians. — Hostile 
Purposes  laid  aside. — Difficulties  with  Carolina. — Spanish 

Commissioner. 

THERE  was  an  occasional  threatening  of  difficulty 
with  the  Spaniards,  respecting  boundaries,  as  early 
in  the  history  of  the  settlement  as  this.  There  were 
four  nations  of  Indians,  the  Choctaws,  the  Chero- 
kees,  the  Chickasaws,  and  the  Creeks,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood ;  the  last  of  whom  came  most  directly  in 
contact  with  the  Europeans.  The  sovereignty  of  the 
country  was  claimed  by  Great  Britain,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  discovery  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh ;  but 
no  possession  was  taken  of  any  part  of  it  without  ob- 
taining the  consent  of  the  Indians.  In  the  treaty  of 
1670,  Carolina,  as  granted  to  the  English,  extended 
to  St.  John's  River,  with  the  exception  of  several 
islands  and  some  tracts  on  the  mainland,  which  the 
Indians  reserved  to  themselves ;  and  there  was  an 
express  understanding  that  no  private  Englishmen 
should  establish  themselves  anywhere  to  the  south  or 
west  of  the  Savannah  River,  without  asking  their 
permission,  and  giving  them  sufficient  warning. 

General  Oglethorpe,  in  his  first  voyage,  had  com- 
plied with  this  condition,  and  secured  this  grant  from 

69 


70  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

the  Indians;  and  his  object  now  was  to  know  what 
was  granted,  and  to  take  a  formal  possession.  When 
he  returned  to  St.  Simons,  he  found  Tomo  Chichi, 
with  his  nephew  Toonahowi,  and  a  party  of  about 
forty  of  their  people.  An  expedition  was  fitted  out, 
of  two  ten-oared  boats,  in  which  he  took  the  Indians, 
together  with  his  own  attendants,  while  the  High- 
landers followed  in  the  periogua,  a  flat-bottomed 
boat,  with  oars  and  sails,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Mackay. 

The  first  afternoon  of  their  voyage  they  saw  an 
island,  which  was  called  Wissoo  or  Sassafras  by  the 
Indians,  and  San  Pedro  by  the  Spaniards.  As  a  hill 
in  it  commanded  the  passage  by  which  boats  might 
approach  from  the  south,  the  General  thought  it 
necessary  to  establish  a  fort  there,  for  which  pur- 
pose he  left  the  periogua,  with  the  Highlanders. 
Toonahowi,  to  whom  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  had 
given  a  gold  repeater  when  he  was  in  England,  here 
drew  it  out,  saying,  "  The  Duke  gave  us  this  watch 
that  we  might  know  how  time  went ;  we  will  at  all 
times  remember  him ;  "  and  therefore  proposed  that 
the  island  should  bear  his  name.  The  General  gave 
the  name  of  Amelia  to  another  large  island,  south 
of  the  former,  which  was  beautiful  in  appearance, 
"  the  sea-shore  covered  with  myrtle,  peach-trees, 
orange-trees,  and  vines  in  the  wild  woods."  They 
rowed  across  a  fresh-water  river,  and,  when  they 
encamped  for  the  night,  Tomo  Chichi  chose  a  ground 
free  from  trees,  in  compliment  to  the  English,  be- 
cause it  was  one,  he  said,  in  which,  if  necessary,  they 
could  fight  to  most  advantage.  Next  morning,  he 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  /I 

conducted  them  through  several  channels  till  they 
came  to  the  entrance  of  the  River  St.  John,  which 
was  indicated  by  two  rocks  covered  with  cedar  and 
bay-trees,  from  the  top  of  which  he  showed  them  the 
Spanish  guard,  saying,  that  his  purpose  was  to  fall 
upon  them  by  night,  and  thus  avenge  the  wrongs  of 
his  people.  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the 
General  could  induce  him  to  abandon  this  purpose, 
which  would  scarcely  have  been  consistent  with  the 
peaceful  design  with  which  he  had  come. 

One  of  his  objects  was  to  inquire  concerning  a 
party  which  lie  had  previously  sent  to  conduct  to  St. 
Augustine,  Mr.  Charles  Dempsey,  who  had  arrived 
in  the  Symond,  with  a  commission  from  the  Spanish 
minister  in  London,  to  confer  with  the  Governor  of 
Florida  respecting  the  boundary  between  that  coun- 
try and  Florida.  With  this  view,  he  visited  the 
lookout  and  the  guard-house,  on  the  Spanish  side, 
but  found  them  both  deserted.  In  the  course  of  the 
night,  the  Indians  came  to  them  in  a  state  of  furious 
excitement,  saying,  that  Tomo  Chichi  had  seen  the 
fire  of  his  enemies,  and  was  prepared  to  take  his 
revenge  immediately,  first  sending  word  to  his  Eng- 
lish friends,  that  they  might  be  upon  their  guard. 
The  General  at  once  set  forward  in  the  darkness,  and 
rowed  to  the  place  where  the  Indians  were,  about 
four  miles  distant.  By  strong  appeals  to  their  sense 
of  honor,  he  prevented  the  assault  for  which  they 
were  preparing ;  and  by  the  light  of  the  next  morn- 
ing, it  appeared  that  the  supposed  enemies  were  the 
very  escort  of  Mr.  Dempsey,  to  inquire  for  which 
they  had  come. 


72  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

This  meeting  was  a  pleasant  surprise  to  both  par- 
ties. Major  Richards,  who  went  in  charge  of  the 
escort,  informed  the  General  that  he  was  wrecked 
on  his  passage  to  St.  Augustine,  with  the  loss  of  part 
of  his  baggage ;  he  was  kindly  received  by  the  Span- 
ish Governor,  and  the  necessary  repairs  of  the  boat 
had  occasioned  his  long  delay.  He  brought  letters 
to  the  General,  thanking  him  for  those  which  had 
been  forwarded  by  Mr.  Dempsey  and  Major  Rich- 
ards, but  complaining  bitterly  of  aggressions  made 
by  the  Creeks,  and  intimating  that  the  forts  then 
building  by  the  English  would  lead  to  dissatisfaction. 

On  returning  to  the  place  where  the  Highlanders 
were  left,  he  was  highly  gratified  to  find  how  much 
they  had  accomplished,  though  they  had  no  engineer 
to  direct  their  work,  and  the  soil,  which  was  a  loose 
sand,  was  very  unfavorable  to  their  operations.  He 
returned  his  thanks  to  them  for  their  zeal  in  the  pub- 
lic service,  but  they  said  that,  while  there  was  dan- 
ger, they  should  consider  it  a  privilege  to  stay. 

On  the  25th  of  April,  the  General  and  his  party 
reached  Frederica,  on  their  return,  and  the  Indians 
arrived  on  the  next  day.  They  encamped  near  the 
town,  and  celebrated  the  successful  close  of  the  ex- 
pedition by  a  war-dance ;  after  which  they  were  dis- 
missed with  presents  and  thanks  for  their  faithful- 
ness in  the  service  of  the  King.  Notwithstanding 
the  friendly  professions  in  the  letters  brought  by 
Major  Richards,  it  was  ascertained  that  the  Span- 
ish Governor  of  St.  Augustine  had  sent  to  buy  arms 
at  Charleston,  and  that  he  was  preparing  to  arm  the 
Florida  in  conjunction  with  the  Yamassee  Indians, 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  73 

and  to  send  them,  in  company  with  a  Spanish  force, 
to  dislodge  the  English  from  their  fortifications. 
The  complaint  against  the  Creeks  was  made  to  afford 
a  pretext  for  this  enterprise;  and,  as  the  garrison 
of  St.  Augustine,  already  large,  was  expecting  rein- 
forcements from  Havana,  there  was  a  prospect  that 
the  attempt  would  be  attended  with  success. 

This  intelligence  the  General  did  not  communicate 
to  the  people :  but,  not  to  be  wanting  in  precaution, 
he  determined  to  arm  a  periogua  with  four  swivels, 
and  to  send  it  to  cruise  on  the  River  St.  John,  in 
company  with  a  scout-boat,  to  prevent  the  Indians, 
who  detested  the  Spaniards,  from  giving  them  any 
just  cause  of  war.  This  expedition  was  fitted  out 
with  arms,  ammunition,  tools,  and  provisions  for 
three  months,  and  was  placed  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Hermsdorff,  who  was  to  leave  Major 
Richards  and  Mr.  Horton,  his  attendant,  at  some 
place  on  the  Florida  shore,  whence  they  could  pro- 
ceed to  the  Governor  at  St.  Augustine,  with  letters 
to  acquaint  him,  that,  "  being  greatly  desirous  to  re- 
move all  occasions  of  uneasiness  upon  the  frequent 
complaints  by  his  Excellency  of  hostile  incursions 
upon  the  Spanish  dominions,  armed  boats  had  been 
sent  to  patrol  the  opposite  borders  of  the  river,  and 
prevent  all  passing  over  by  Indians  or  marauders." 
The  messengers  were  also  charged  to  return  General 
Oglethorpe's  thanks  to  him  for  his  civilities,  and  to 
express  his  desire  of  harmony  between  the  subjects 
of  both  Crowns.  Meantime,  the  General  took  all 
possible  care  to  strengthen  his  defences  and  prevent 
a  surprise.  A  fort  was  planned  at  St.  George's,  to 


74  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

command  the  inland  passages.  St.  Andrew's  Fort, 
on  Cumberland  Island,  was  considered  strong  and 
efficient,  and  the  works  at  St.  Simons  were  pressed 
on  with  all  the  force  which  he  could  command.  The 
Indians,  who  were  not  accustomed  to  labor,  were  of 
great  use  in  supplying  the  workmen  with  venison 
and  other  fresh  provisions  from  the  woods.  Several 
of  their  chiefs  promised  to  come  with  their  warriors 
the  moment  hostilities  should  begin.  Boats  were 
daily  arriving  from  Savannah  and  Port  Royal  with 
the  necessary  stores;  in  fact,  the  whole  colony  felt 
deeply  interested  in  his  proceedings,  there  being  no 
doubt,  that  the  Spaniards  would  lay  waste  all  the 
settlements,  if  they  should  succeed  in  destroying  this. 
While  the  whole  neighborhood  of  Frederica  was 
in  this  state  of  excitement,  the  scout-boat,  which  ac- 
companied Major  Richards,  returned  with  the  intel- 
ligence, that  he,  Mr.  Horton,  and  some  others,  were 
prisoners  at  St.  Augustine.  Captain  Hermsdorff, 
not  considering  the  post  at  St.  George's  capable  of 
defence,  and  fearing  a  mutiny  among  his  men,  was 
returning,  and,  if  he  should  be  pursued,  was  very 
likely  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands.  It  appeared 
that  Major  Richards,  on  his  arriving  at  St.  George's, 
sent  over  to  the  Spanish  side,  according  to  arrange- 
ments made  with  the  Governor;  but  the  promised 
horses  and  attendants  were  not  there.  In  order  to 
save  delay,  Mr.  Horton  offered  to  walk  to  St.  Augus- 
tine, the  voyage  being  dangerous,  to  give  notice  of 
Major  Richards's  arrival.  For  this  purpose,  he  was 
landed,  and,  some  days  after,  two  smokes  were  seen 
on  the  mainland,  which  were  the  appointed  signal ; 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  75 

the  boats,  being  despatched  in  that  direction,  re- 
turned with  the  information  that  a  guard  and  horses 
were  in  waiting  to  conduct  the  Major  to  St.  Augus- 
tine. His  officers  remonstrated  against  his  putting 
himself  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards  without  se- 
curity for  his  safe  return;  but,  neglecting  their  ad- 
vice, he  went  on  shore,  and  was  seen  to  ride  away. 
A  few  days  after,  smokes  were  again  seen  in  the 
same  place;  the  boat,  being  sent,  returned  with  a 
coarse  writing,  with  a  lead  pencil,  in  German,  pur- 
porting to  be  from  Major  Richards,,  and  simply 
stating  that  he  had  arrived  at  the  quarters  of  the 
Captain  of  horse.  It  being  clear  that  nothing  could 
be  gained  by  waiting,  Captain  Hermsdorff  thought 
it  his  duty  to  return  for  orders. 

The  General,  when  he  heard  of  these  proceedings, 
determined  to  go  in  person  to  inquire  what  they 
might  mean.  He  embarked  in  a  scout-boat,  leaving 
directions  for  another  to  follow.  When  he  came  to 
St.  George's,  he  landed,  and  found  there  some  works, 
which  he  repaired  and  mounted  with  cannon.  He 
then  set  out  for  the  Spanish  coast,  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  in  order  to  ascertain  what  had  become  of  his 
men.  For  some  time,  he  could  find  no  trace  of  in- 
habitants ;  at  last,  an  armed  man  was  taken  by  one 
of  his  party,  who  produced  a  letter  from  Mr.  Horton. 
giving  an  account  of  his  arrest.  He  was  rewarded 
for  bringing  it,  and  promised  to  come  for  an  answer 
next  day.  He  did  not  appear ;  but  a  Spanish  gentle- 
man was  found,  who  promised  to  deliver  letters  for 
the  General  at  St.  Augustine,  and  to  bring  back  the 
answers.  No  answers  came;  and,  by  this  time,  be- 


76  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ing  fully  convinced,  that  the  Spaniards  were  prepar- 
ing for  hostilities,  he  sent  word  to  the  various  colo- 
nies, and  prepared  to  defend  his  own  to  the  best  of 
his  power. 

While  his  relations  with  the  Spaniards  were  thus 
threatening,  it  required  some  care  to  keep  on  good 
terms  with  the  Indians.  The  Uchee  chief  had  come 
to  Frederica  with  his  attendants,  having  taken  some 
disgust  at  a  proceeding  of  the  Saltzburgers,  who  had 
cleared  and  planted  several  acres  of  land  beyond  the 
Ebenezer  River,  without  his  knowledge  and  against 
his  orders.  But  what  troubled  them  most  was,  that 
some  people  from  Carolina  had  crossed  the  Savan- 
nah River  with  negroes  and  cattle,  and  commenced  a 
plantation  not  far  from  the  Indian  town.  The  Gen- 
eral had  heard  of  these  things  before,  and  had  sent 
orders  to  have  them  remedied.  For  this  the  Uchee 
chief  gave  him  thanks,  and  said  that  they  loved  him 
for  having  done  them  justice;  they  were  ready  to 
help  him  against  the  Spaniards,  and,  if  he  desired  it, 
they  would  bring  a  large  body  of  their  warriors,  and 
remain  with  him  till  the  danger  was  over.  From  this 
it  appeared,  that  the  Indians  were  well-disposed ;  but 
the  irritation  arising  from  the  encroachments  of  un- 
principled borderers,  of  whom  there  were  many, 
might  at  any  time  inflame  their  passions,  and  make 
them  dangerous  neighbors,  unless  the  treatment  of 
the  English  was  uniformly  kind  and  just. 

The  Spanish  authorities,  however,  were  not  ready 
to  proceed  to  extremities  at  this  time ;  thinking,  prob- 
ably, that,  in  making  an  assault  on  the  territories  of 
others,  they  might  endanger  their  own.  The  Gov- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  77 

ernor  of  St.  Augustine,  after  vainly  endeavoring  to 
gather  from  Major  Richards  and  Mr.  Horton  in- 
formation  concerning  the  forts  and  garrisons  of  the 
English,  sent  a  party,  under  Don  Ignatio  Rosso,  to 
make  a  personal  investigation,  who  returned  with  the 
information  that  the  islands  were  strongly  fortified 
and  guarded  by  many  armed  boats,  with  great  num- 
bers of  men.  Upon  this,  it  was  thought  advisable, 
since  invasion  might  come  from  the  other  side,  to 
release  the  prisoners,  and  to  send  them  with  a  friend- 
ly deputation  to  the  General,  to  make  all  necessary 
compliments  and  explanations,  and  to  intimate  that 
these  warlike  preparations  were  wholly  needless, 
where  both  parties  were  so  well-disposed  toward 
each  other.  The  General  made  preparations  to  re- 
ceive the  embassy,  by  appearing  with  his  cavalcade, 
consisting  of  seven  men  and  horses,  which,  says 
Francis  Morse,  "  were  all  we  had,"  by  drawing  up 
his  troops  with  large  spaces  between  them,  and  firing 
the  cannon  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  give  the  impres- 
sion that  the  batteries  were  large,  which  was  not 
difficult,  as  the  Spaniards  were  received  upon  an- 
other island.  They  were  welcomed  in  the  most  hos- 
pitable and  respectful  manner,  with  entertainments, 
salutes,  and  presents. 

Some  Indian  chiefs  came  in  at  the  time  and  repre- 
sented to  the  Spanish  delegates  what  cruelties  had 
been  practiced  by  the  Florida  Indians  on  some  of 
their  number.  They  expressed  their  abhorrence  of 
such  barbarity,  and  promised  that  the  offenders 
should  be  punished  as  they  deserved.  To  which 
Hyllispilli,  one  of  the  chiefs,  gravely  replied,  in  a 


78  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

manner  rather  sincere  than  courtly,  "  We  hear  what 
you  say;  when  we  see  it  done,  we  will  believe  you." 
Notwithstanding  these  friendly  communications,  the 
evidence  of  warlike  preparations  on  the  part  of  the 
Spaniards  was  thought  so  strong  that  the  works  on 
the  islands  were  not  suspended,  and  no  reasonable 
precautions  were  laid  aside.  However  interesting 
and  important  these  works  were  at  that  day,  time 
has  left  few  traces  of  them.  Mr.  Spalding,  in  a 
recent  description  of  the  place,  says,  "  Time  and  the 
elements,  and  men  in  pursuit  of  other  objects,  have 
scarcely  left  a  wreck  behind.  The  wood  has  been 
transformed  into  a  cotton-field.  The  river,  driven 
on  by  hurricanes,  has  swallowed  up  the  water  bat- 
teries and  much  of  the  fort.  The  bricks,  too,  have 
been  taken  away  by  spoilers,  and  the  tabby  *  has 
been  sawed  into  blocks  to  erect  other  buildings."  f 

Some  difficulties  began  to  arise,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Colony,  respecting  intercourse  with  the  In- 
dians. When  Georgia  was  made  a  separate  colony, 
it  included  in  its  bounds  the  Indians  west  of  the 
Savannah,  who  had  formerly  been  connected  with 
Carolina.  The  General  had  taken  care  to  secure 
their  good-will  by  making  treaties  of  alliance  with 
them ;  and,  as  they  had  been  sorely  defrauded  in 
their  former  traffic  with  the  whites,  and  had  re- 
quested that  some  stipulations  should  be  made  re- 
specting the  prices,  quality,  weight,  and  measure  of 
articles  which  they  sold,  it  was  thought  best  that 

*  A  composition  of  oyster-shells  and  lime. 
f "  Collections   of  the   Georgia   Historical    Society,"   Vol.    I. 
P-  257. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  79 

none  should  be  permitted  to  trade  with  them  without 
a  license,  and  a  pledge  that  their  dealings  should  be 
honorable  and  just.  The  Carolina  traders  refused 
to  apply  for  a  permit,  or  to  submit  to  any  restriction; 
and  therefore  the  Georgia  commissary,  Captain  Mc- 
Kay, would  not  allow  them  to  reside  in  the  country. 
They  complained  to  the  Assembly  of  the  province  of 
South  Carolina,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
confer  with  General  Oglethorpe  on  the  subject  at 
Savannah.  Meantime  the  excitement  increased  and 
spread.  The  Carolina  traders  freighted  boats  with 
goods  to  ascend  the  river  to  Augusta,  thus  saving 
the  expense  of  inland  transportation.  In  passing 
the  town  of  Savannah,  they  were  seized  by  the  mag- 
istrates, who  ordered  the  casks  of  rum,  which  made 
a  part  of  the  cargo,  to  be  staved,  and  the  crews  to 
be  thrown  into  prison. 

The  conference  at  Savannah  ended  without  giving 
perfect  satisfaction  to  either  party.  The  magistrates 
of  Savannah  acknowledged  their  error,  and  made 
reparation  to  the  traders  whose  property  they  had 
destroyed.  But  the  committee  maintained  that  no 
charter  from  the  Crown  could  give  the  Georgians 
control  over  the  Indians,  who  always  had  reserved 
their  own  independence,  and  had  a  perfect  right  to 
trade  with  whom  they  would.  Oglethorpe  acknowl- 
edged that  the  Indians  were  independent,  and  not 
bound  by  English  laws ;  but  he  said  that  they  had 
entered  into  treaties  with  Georgia,  and  certain  regu- 
lations had  been  made,  not  only  with  their  consent, 
but  at  their  request ;  and  to  enforce  those  regulations 
implied  no  aggression  upon  the  rights  or  indepen- 


80  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

dence  of  the  red  men.  He  said  that  no  permit  had 
been  refused  to  any  trader  who  conformed  to  the 
regulations,  and  that  the  conditions  which  he  made 
with  them  were  the  same  with  those  which  Carolina 
herself  had  exacted.  In  case  any  new  regulations 
were  made  by  Carolina,  he  promised  to  add  them  to 
the  instructions  of  the  Georgia  traders ;  and  he  would 
order  his  officers  to  make  no  distinction  between  the 
twTo  provinces;  but,  in  order  to  protect  the  Indians, 
it  was  necessary  to  require  a  license,  a  measure  of 
precaution  that  could  not  be  abandoned.  The  only 
result  of  the  conference  was  of  the  practical  kind. 
The  navigation  of  the  Savannah  River  was  to  be 
open  alike  to  both  parties ;  the  Carolinians  promised 
not  to  introduce  ardent  spirits  among  the  settlers  in 
Georgia,  and  the  agents  of  the  latter  province  were 
instructed  to  render  their  neighbors  all  the  friendly 
assistance  in  their  power. 

After  this  conference  was  over,  the  General  re- 
turned to  Frederica,  where  he  made  advances  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  found  encouragement  to  hope  that 
all  differences  would  be  adjusted.  But,  while  he 
was  concluding  with  the  Governor  of  St.  Augustine 
a  treaty,  which  had  been  made  by  the  intervention  of 
Mr.  Dempsey,  and  on  terms  favorable  to  the  interests 
of  the  Colony,  he  was  arrested  by  the  information 
that  a  Spanish  commissioner  had  arrived  from  Cuba, 
charged  with  communications  which  he  was  to  de- 
liver in  person.  In  the  conference  which  followed, 
the  commissioner  required  that  the  English  should 
abandon  all  the  coast  south  of  St.  Helena's  Sound, 
which  was  claimed  as  belonging  to  the  King  of 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  8 1 

Spain.  He  would  listen  to  no  argument  in  support 
of  the  English  claim,  nor  would  he  admit  the  validity 
of  the  treaty  just  made;  but  he  declared  that,  unless 
the  territory  in  question  was  immediately  surren- 
dered, measures  would  be  taken  to  enforce  the  de- 
mand. Perceiving  that  the  ground  thus  taken  by 
Spain  must  necessarily,  if  persisted  in,  lead  to  hos- 
tilities, which  would  greatly  endanger  the  interests 
of  his  Colony,  the  General  thought  it  necessary  to 
proceed  immediately  to  England,  to  represent  to  the 
ministry  the  state  of  affairs  in  America,  and  to  pro- 
cure that  support  which  the  welfare  of  the  settlers 
and  the  honor  of  the  nation  required.  Such  repre- 
sentations must  be  made  by  some  one  who  had  in- 
fluence ;  since  the  government  very  easily  forgot  the 
danger  at  a  distance  in  their  many  perplexities  nearer 
home. 

A.  B.,  VOL.  rv.— 6 


CHAPTER  VII 

Connection  with  the  Wesleys. — Mutual  Disappointment. — Wes- 
ley's first  Effort. — Peculiarities  of  Manner  and  Doctrine. — 
Charles  Wesley  at  Frederica. — Returns  to  England. 

IT  was  during  this  time  of  fierce  excitement  that 
the  Wesleys  resided  in  the  colony;  a  circumstance 
that  must  be  noted,  since  Oglethorpe  appears  to  less 
advantage  in  his  connection  with  them  than  in  any 
other  part  of  his  history;  and  it  is  but  just  that 
everything  which  tends  to  his  excuse  and  justifica- 
tion should  be  fully  understood.  At  the  same  time, 
it  is  extremely  difficult  to  sift  the  truth  from  accounts 
so  much  colored  by  passion  and  entangled  by  art. 
The  principal  agents  and  witnesses  were  two  profli- 
gate women,  whose  reputation  was  such  in  England 
that  the  General  openly  expressed  his  unwillingness 
to  take  them  to  Georgia.  By  pretending  a  great  in- 
terest in  religion,  they  succeeded  in  going  over ;  but 
such  was  their  subsequent  conduct  that,  taken  in 
connection  with  their  previous  history,  no  confidence 
can  be  placed  in  statements  made  by  them,  unless 
confirmed  by  better  authority  than  theirs.  One  of 
these  vagrants  appears  to  have  gained  an  ascendancy 
over  the  mind  of  Oglethorpe,  which  she,  in  her 
strange  communications  to  Wesley,  ascribed  to  the 
power  of  her  charms.  She  used  it  to  estrange  him 

82 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  83 

from  the  brothers,  whom  she  represented  as  libellers 
of  his  character  and  conspirators  against  his  power. 

To  John  Wesley,  a  single-hearted  man,  whose 
confidence  she  gained  to  some  extent  by  professions 
of  repentance,  she  represented  herself  as  too  intimate 
with  the  General  on  the  voyage,  being  quite  willing, 
apparently,  to  bring  the  reputations  of  others  to  a 
level  with  her  own.  Wesley  evidently  believed  her 
communication,  and  his  intercourse  with  the  General 
became  constrained  in  consequence.  What  ground 
there  may  have  been  for  the  charge,  it  is  not  easy  to 
say;  the  authority  certainly  was  not  of  the  highest 
order ;  but  the  biographers  of  Wesley  appear  to  have 
thought  a  faith  in  it  essential  to  his  defence,  and 
would  also  have  it  understood  that  the  General  em- 
ployed her  frail  companion  to  gain  a  similar  conquest 
over  Wesley;  and  that,  in  resentment  at  the  discov- 
ery of  the  plot,  he  intimated,  one  clay  to  Wesley,  that 
he  could  find  Indians  enough  to  shoot  him  for  a 
trifling  reward.  It  is  not  possible  to  credit,  to  any 
extent,  witnesses  so  self-condemning  and  abandoned. 
Wesley  himself,  in  his  published  Journal,  has  ob- 
served a  dignified  silence  on  the  subject;  a  course 
which  his  ardent  friends  would  have  done  well  to 
follow,  since  no  injury  to  the  character  of  others  is 
necessary  for  the  complete  defence  of  his  own. 

The  truth  was,  that  it  was  a  case  of  disappoint- 
ment and  misunderstanding.  The  General,  though 
he  had  a  great  reverence  for  religion,  and  treated  it 
with  profound  respect  on  all  occasions,  had  no  sym- 
pathy with  the  spiritual  character  of  the  Wesleys; 
lie  only  knew  them  as  zealous  and  fervent  men,  who 


84  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

would  be  likely  to  make  a  deep  impression  by  their 
preaching,  and  thus  to  serve  the  cause  of  morals  and 
good  order.  Dr.  Burton,  who  recommended  them 
to  the  trustees,  thought  that  their  self-denying  hab- 
its fitted  them  for  the  duty,  and  supposed  that  they 
would  be  willing  to  follow  such  counsels  as  the 
friends  of  the  colony  deemed  essential  to  its  welfare. 
The  trustees,  of  whom  Dr.  Burton  was  one,  con- 
sidered them  regularly  engaged  as  chaplains;  but 
they  looked  upon  themselves  as  at  liberty  to  give 
their  efforts  to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  or  to 
that  work,  whatever  it  was,  in  which  most  good 
might  be  done.  But  there  were  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  this  enterprise,  desirable  though  it  was,  so 
that  even  the  Moravians,  when  he  discussed  with 
them  the  objections  to  a  mission  to  the  Choctaws, 
thought  he  should  not  go.  On  one  occasion,  when 
some  Indians  had  attended  a  funeral  where  he 
prayed,  they  said  they  knew  that  he  was  speaking  to 
the  "  beloved  ones,"  to  take  up  the  soul  of  the  young 
woman.  They  were  asked  if  they  would  like  to 
know  more  of  the  beloved  ones.  They  answered  that 
they  had  no  time  but  to  fight  then;  if  peace  should 
ever  come,  they  would  be  glad  to  know.  Tomo 
Chichi  explained  to  him  that  they  did  not  wish  to  be 
made  Christians  after  the  Spanish  manner;  they 
wished  to  be  instructed  before  they  were  baptized; 
and  the  same  old  chief  afterwards,  when  urged  to 
listen  to  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  showed  that  he 
had  been  observing  the  lives  of  Christians,  without 
drawing  from  the  view  any  inference  in  favor  of 
their  religion.  He  said,  "  Why,  these  are  Christians 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  85 

at  Savannah!  These  are  Christians  at  Frederica! 
Christian  much  drunk !  Christian  beat  men !  Chris- 
tian tell  lies !  Devil  Christian !  Me  no  Christian !  " 

Wesley's  preaching  at  Savannah  seemed  at  first 
to  be  crowned  with  great  success.  A  deep  impres- 
sion was  evidently  made.  When  the  church  and  the 
ball-room  were  open  on  the  same  evening,  the  latter 
was  almost  deserted.  Not  satisfied  with  awakening 
their  religious  affections,  he  made  war  on  all  the 
vanities  of  the  world.  He  was  told  that  he  would 
find  as  well-dressed  an  audience  in  Savannah  as 
those  which  he  saw  in  London.  He  did  so,  and  at 
once  took  occasion  to  speak  freely  on  the  subject  of 
dress ;  some  were  offended,  doubtless ;  but  an  evident 
change  was  made,  not  only  in  this  respect,  but  in  the 
solemnity  with  which  the  service  was  attended.  In 
other  places,  he  taught  the  same  lesson  of  plainness 
and  simplicity ;  his  friend  Delamotte  instructed  a 
school,  where  some  boys,  who  wore  shoes  and  stock- 
ings, assumed  a  superiority  to  those  who  were  not  so 
well  provided.  Wesley  requested  leave  to  teach  the 
school,  and  went  into  it  without  shoes  or  stockings. 
Under  such  countenance,  the  bare-footed  party  ral- 
lied, and  pride,  at  least  in  that  form,  was  driven  from 
the  school.  These  proceedings  were  new  and  strange 
to  many  of  the  Colonists,  who  had  only  expected  the 
chaplain  to  conduct  them  through  the  easy  forms  of 
devotion.  Still  none  could  charge  him,  in  this,  with 
any  departure  from  the  path  of  duty. 

But  there  was  another  respect  in  which  there  were 
more  grounds  for  the  charge.  He  says,  in  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Hutcheson,  that  he  had  changed  his  opinion 


86  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

on  the  subject  of  clerical  duty;  for  once  he  thought 
it  his  whole  duty  to  preach  the  gospel,  but  he  was 
now  persuaded,  tfyat,  under  certain  circumstances, 
secular  matters  might  come  under  his  charge.*  He 
thought  it  his  duty,  therefore,  to  take  an  interest  in 
the  controversy  between  Georgia  and  South  Carolina 
respecting  trade  with  the  Indians;  but  this  would 
have  occasioned  no  excitement  if  he  had  not  brought 
his  lessons  upon  civil  rights  and  duties  nearer  home. 
He  not  only  preached  upon  the  duty  of  resistance  to 
public  authority,  in  the  case  of  individuals  making 
themselves  judges  of  their  own  rights,  but  spoke  in 
the  court  against  the  proceedings  of  the  magistrates 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  inflame  the  passions  of  the 
people,  f  This,  doubtless,  was  the  reason  which 
tended  most  to  disaffect  the  General  toward  him; 
since,  in  a  community  made  up  of  such  elements, 
there  was  difficulty  enough  in  enforcing  the  laws  be- 
fore; and  the  magistrates  apprehended  personal  vio- 
lence with  such  a  champion  on  the  disloyal  side. 
The  public  officers  gradually  discontinued  their  at- 
tendance at  church;  his  interest  in  secular  affairs, 
though  it  employed  little  of  his  time,  impaired  his 
religious  influence;  he  lost  the  power  over  the  con- 
science which  he  had  at  first  exerted ;  and,  with  the 
utmost  self-devotion  of  spirit,  felt  that  he  was  ac- 
complishing little  in  the  service  of  his  Master. 

The  prejudice  against  Charles  Wesley,  who  was 
stationed  at  Frederica,  was  equally  strong.    It  might 

*  Moore's  "  Life  of  Wesley,"  Vol.  I.  p.  245. 
t  Stephens's  "  Journal  of  Proceedings  in  Georgia,"  Vol.  I. 
p.  19 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  87 

have  been  supposed  that  his  amiable  spirit  and  gentle 
sincerity  would  have  disarmed  all  enmity;  but  the 
settlement  was  composed  of  rough  and  restless  ma- 
terials; and  his  reproofs  of  sin,  however  kindly 
given,  were  deeply  resented.  Some  of  the  women 
who  accompanied  them  on  the  voyage  were  jealous 
and  quarrelsome;  and,  unfortunately  for  his  own 
comfort,  he  endeavored  to  reconcile  them  to  each 
other.  He  only  succeeded  in  uniting  them  against 
himself;  and  they  used  every  effort  to  injure  him  in 
the  opinion  of  the  General,  who  resided  at  Frederica, 
for  the  time,  and  who,  in  his  vexation  at  seeing  the 
dissension  increase,  which  he  trusted  the  minister  of 
the  gospel  would  allay,  was  too  easily  led  to  believe 
these  injurious  representations.  One  of  the  vagrant 
women,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made,  was  his 
chief  enemy ;  and,  as  her  social  position  was  higher 
than  her  moral  standing,  she  was  able  to  injure  him 
more  than  would  have  been  possible  under  other 
circumstances  and  among  a  more  established  people. 
He  soon  began  to  perceive  that  the  General  was 
alienated  from  him ;  and  everything  tended  to  in- 
crease the  difficulty.  While  Oglethorpe  was  absent 
with  the  Indians,  the  doctor  thought  proper  to  shoot 
during  the  service  on  the  Sabbath,  which  was  con- 
trary to  the  General's  orders,  and  for  which  the  con- 
stable arrested  him.  This  was  charged  to  Wesley, 
who  was  assailed  with  all  manner  of  abuse  for  it, 
and  the  excitement  spread  till  the  whole  town  was  in 
arms.  When  the  General  returned,  he  was  told  that 
Wesley  had  stirred  up  sedition  among  the  people, 
endeavoring  to  persuade  them  to  leave  the  place. 


88  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

He  sent  for  Wesley,  and  stated  the  charge  to  him, 
saying  tliat  he  should  have  no  scruple  at  shooting 
the  insurgents,  but  out  of  regard  he  had  spoken  to 
him  first.  Wesley  intimated  to  him  what  the  char- 
acter of  his  accusers  was,  and  suggested  to  him  that, 
if  he  showed  any  disinclination  to  finding  him  guilty, 
it  would  materially  affect  the  confidence  with  which 
the  charge  was  made.  He  took  the  hint,  and  the 
accusation  dwindled  at  once  to  the  assertion  that  the 
minister  had  caused  the  disorder,  by  forcing  men 
out  to  prayers  against  their  will.  It  was  clear  that 
there  was  no  foundation  for  any  reproach;  but  the 
General,  adverting  to  it  afterwards,  asked  him  how 
it  was  that  "  there  was  no  love,  no  meekness,  no  true 
religion,  among  the  people;  but,  instead  of  it,  mere 
formal  prayers."  Wesley  told  him  that  the  absence 
of  the  reality  was  not  owing  to  the  abundance  of  the 
forms;  for  there  were  seldom  more  than  six  people 
at  prayers.  Still  the  General  had  the  impression 
that,  if  the  clergyman  pursued  a  judicious  course,  it 
would  be  impossible  for  such  disorders  to  attend  his 
labors. 

About  this  time,  John  Wesley,  relieved  by  Ingham 
at  Savannah,  came  to  visit  his  brother.  By  his 
offices,  the  way  was  opened  for  reconciliation  with 
the  General,  who  sent  for  Charles  Wesley,  and  said 
to  him,  among  other  things,  "  You  will  soon  see  the 
reason  of  my  actions.  I  am  now  going  to  death; 
you  will  soon  see  me  no  more.  Take  this  ring,  and 
carry  it  from  me  to  Mr.  V.  His  interest  is  next  to 
Sir  Robert's ;  whatever  you  ask,  he  will  do  for  you, 
for  your  brother,  and  your  family,  I  have  expected 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  89 

death  for  some  days.  These  letters  show  that  the 
Spaniards  have  long  been  seducing  our  allies,  and 
intend  to  cut  us  off  at  a  blow.  I  fall  by  my  friends, 
on  whom  I  depended  to  send  their  promised  succors. 
I  will  pursue  all  my  designs,  and  to  Him  I  recom- 
mend them  and  you."  He  then  gave  him  a  diamond 
ring.  Wesley  took  it,  and  said,  "  If  I  am  now  speak- 
ing to  you  for  the  last  time,  hear  what  you  will 
quickly  know  to  be  a  truth,  as  soon  as  you  are  en- 
tered on  a  separate  state.  This  ring  I  shall  never  use 
for  myself;  I  have  no  worldly  hopes;  I  have  re- 
nounced the  world;  life  is  bitterness  to  me.  I  came 
hither  to  lay  it  down.  You  have  been  deceived  as 
well  as  I.  I  protest  my  innocence  of  the  crimes  I 
am  charged  with,  and  think  myself  now  at  liberty  to 
tell  you  what  I  thought  never  to  have  uttered."  The 
explanation  which  he  made  satisfied  Oglethorpe  of 
the  injustice  of  his  suspicions ;  he  said  that  they  were 
entirely  removed.  He  then  embraced  and  kissed 
Wesley  with  cordial  affection,  and  they  went  to- 
gether to  the  boat.  A  mourning  sword  was  brought 
to  him  twice,  which  he  refused  to  take ;  at  last  they 
brought  him  his  own,  which  had  been  his  father's. 
"  With  this,"  said  he,  "  I  was  never  unsuccessful." 
When  the  boat  put  off,  Wesley  ran  along  the  shore 
to  see  him  for  the  last  time.  Oglethorpe  stopped  the 
boat,  and  asked  if  anything  was  wanted.  Wesley 
said,  "  God  is  with  you ;  go  forth  Christo  ducc,  ct 
auspice  Christo."  He  answered,  "  You  have  some 
verses  of  mine;  you  there  see  my  thoughts  of  suc- 
cess." The  boat  soon  disappeared,  and  Wesley  re- 
mained praying  that  God  would  save  him  from 


90  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

death,  and  wash  away  all  his  sins.  This  singular 
scene  shows  that  the  General  was  laboring  under 
depression,  if  not  disease,  of  mind,  and  this  may  in 
part  explain  his  treatment  of  Wesley,  which  was  so 
unlike  the  other  actions  of  his  life. 

After  a  few  days  the  General  returned.  The  fleet, 
which  had  threatened  the  coast  at  the  time,  was 
driven  off  by  stress  of  weather,  and  the  danger  thus 
averted.  Charles  Wesley  says,  "  I  blessed  God  for 
still  holding  his  soul  in  life.  In  the  evening,  we  took 
a  walk  together,  and  he  informed  me  more  particu- 
larly of  our  past  danger.  Three  large  ships  and  four 
smaller  had  been  seen  for  three  weeks  together  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river;  but  the  wind  continuing 
against  them,  they  were  hindered  from  making  a 
descent  till  they  could  stay  no  longer.  I  gave  him 
back  his  ring.  '  I  need  not,  indeed  I  cannot,  tell  you, 
Sir,  how  joyfully  I  return  this.'  '  When  I  gave  it 
you,'  said  he,  '  I  never  expected  to  receive  it  again, 
but  thought  it  might  be  of  service  to  your  brother 
and  you.  I  had  many  omens  of  my  death ;  but  God 
has  been  pleased  to  preserve  a  life,  which  was  never 
valuable  to  me;  and  yet,  in  the  continuance  of  it,  I 
thank  God,  I  can  rejoice.'  He  appeared  full  of  ten- 
derness to  me,  and  passed  on  to  observe  the  strange- 
ness of  his  deliverance,  when  betrayed  on  all  sides, 
without  human  support,  and  utterly  helpless.  He 
condemned  himself  for  his  late  anger,  which  he  im- 
puted to  want  of  time  for  consideration.  '  I  longed, 
Sir,'  said  I,  '  to  see  you  once  more,  that  I  might  tell 
you  some  things  before  we  finally  parted.  But  then 
I  considered,  that,  if  you  died,  you  would  know  them 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  91 

all  in  a  moment.'  '  I  know  not,'  said  he,  '  whether 
separate  spirits  regard  our  little  concerns ;  if  they  do, 
it  is  as  men  regard  the  follies  of  their  childhood,  or 
as  I  my  late  passionateness.1  '  Henry  Moore,  Wes- 
ley's biographer,  asks :  "  Could  these  words  be  ut- 
tered by  any  man  of  understanding,  who  believed 
the  Christian  revelation?  "  Why  not? 

Wesley  continues :  "  April  3Oth,  I  had  some  fur- 
ther talk  with  him ;  he  ordered  me  everything  he 
could  think  I  wanted,  and  promised  to  have  a  house 
built  for  me  immediately."  But  his  office  of  secre- 
tary was  not  to  his  taste,  and  he  took  the  earliest 
opportunity  to  resign  it.  The  General  regretted  his 
purpose,  saying :  "I  am  satisfied  of  your  regard  for 
me,  and  your  argument,  drawn  from  the  heart,  is 
unanswerable ;  yet  I  would  desire  you  not  to  let  the 
trustees  know  your  intention  of  resigning.  There 
are  many  hungry  fellows  ready  to  snatch  at  the 
office ;  and,  in  my  absence,  I  cannot  put  in  one  of  my 
owrn  choosing.  Perhaps  they  may  send  me  a  bad 
man ;  and  how  far  such  a  one  may  influence  the 
traders,  and  obstruct  the  reception  of  the  gospel 
among  the  heathen,  you  know.  I  shall  be  in  Eng- 
land before  you  hear  of  it;  and  then  you  may  either 
put  in  a  deputy  or  resign."  The  General  then  sent 
him  with  despatches  for  England;  but  the  vessel, 
having  an  unfit  captain,  and  meeting  with  stormy 
weather,  was  obliged  to  make  for  Boston,  so  that  he 
was  about  three  months  on  his  way  to  England. 

In  all  the  history  of  Charles  Wesley,  in  Georgia, 
there  is  nothing  which  brings  a  shadow  of  reproach 
on  his  fair  fame.  He  was  earnest  and  faithful 


92  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

among  a  people  who  were  not  disposed  to  profit  by 
his  services.  Undoubtedly  he  was  disappointed  to 
find  so  little  Arcadian  simplicity  in  the  new  lands 
beyond  the  sea,  but  evidently,  in  a  difficult  position, 
he  did  his  best;  and  what  more  could  be  required? 
From  the  history  of  their  connection,  it  is  easy  to  see 
how  the  General  was  beset  with  perplexity  and 
trouble.  He,  too,  looked  for  something  like  sim- 
plicity of  heart  and  kindness  of  feeling  among  the 
emigrants;  but  he  found  only  bitterness  and  dissen- 
sion, and  was  constantly  stunned  with  complaints 
within,  while  he  was  threatened  with  dangers  from 
abroad,  which  he  saw  no  way  to  meet.  His  delusion, 
with  respect  to  Wesley,  evidently  grew  out  of  the 
depression  which  this  state  of  things  occasioned; 
and  it  should  be  remembered,  that  he  was  ready  to 
acknowledge  his  error,  and  to  receive  his  former 
friend  to  his  full  confidence  again,  which  is  by  no 
means  common  with  men  high  in  station  and  almost 
unlimited  in  power. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Difficulties  encountered  by  John  Wesley  in  Georgia. — He  re- 
turns to  England. 

WHILE  Charles  Wesley  was  suffering  at  Fred- 
erica,  in  the  manner  just  described,  the  early  pros- 
pects of  his  brother  John  at  Savannah  were  far  more 
encouraging.  His  great  ability  could  not  fail  to 
make  a  strong  impression  on  those  who  did  not  un- 
derstand his  lofty  conscientiousness  and  self-devo- 
tion. Neither  could  they  help  respecting  the  apos- 
tolical zeal  with  which  he  forded  rivers,  crossed 
swamps,  slept  on  the  ground,  and  exposed  himself  to 
all  kinds  of  hardship  in  the  service  of  the  Cross.  In 
the  times  of  greatest  opposition  he  was  more  than 
hated ;  but  his  strong  heart,  confirmed  by  religious 
feeling,  sustained  him  under  such  discouragement, 
while  what  his  brother  Samuel  called  his  "  iron 
body  "  enabled  him  to  go  through  with  his  incessant 
labors.  The  great  purpose  of  his  life  was  expressed 
in  these  lines,  written  at  Savannah  in  the  year  1736. 

"  Is  there  a  thing  beneath  the  sun 

That  strives  with  Thee  my  heart  to  share? 

Ah  !  tear  it  thence,  and  reign  alone, 
The  Lord  of  every  motion  there." 

The  same  disinterestedness  which  shone  through  all 
his  life  appeared  in  his  conduct  there.  A  salary  of 
fifty  pounds  was  allowed  for  his  support,  which  he 

93 


94  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

had  resolved  not  to  accept;  but  his  brother  Samuel 
represented  that  this  would  be  unjust  to  those  who 
might  come  after  him,  and,  on  that  account,  he  con- 
sented. When  he  had  been  a  year  in  Georgia,  he 
sent  to  the  trustees  an  account  of  his  expenses  for 
that  time,  including  those  of  Delamotte,  which,  ex- 
clusive of  building  and  journeys,  amounted  to  a  little 
more  than  forty-four  pounds.  Yet  he  felt  obliged 
afterwards  to  write  to  the  trustees  to  defend  himself 
against  the  charge  of  appropriating  money  to  his 
own  use;  a  charge  which  nothing  but  the  wildest 
malice  could  have  brought  against  him. 

The  thing  which  has  been  made  the  most  serious 
reproach  to  him  at  the  time,  and  in  later  years,  grew 
out  of  his  connection,  such  as  it  was,  with  Sophia 
Hopkins,  whom  Southey  by  mistake  calls  Sophia 
Causton,  because  she  was  the  niece  of  Mr.  Causton, 
a  leading  magistrate  at  Savannah.  She  is  described 
as  graceful  in  person  and  fascinating  in  her  man- 
ners ;  and  it  is  said,  probably  on  no  other  authority 
than  conjecture,  that  the  General  was  desirous  that 
Wesley  should  marry  her,  hoping  that  it  would  make 
him  more  practical  in  his  ideas  of  religious  duty,  by 
bringing  him  more  under  social  influences,  and  into 
communication  with  other  men.  But,  setting  aside 
this  gossip,  in  which  this  history  abounds,  it  is  cer- 
tain that  she  desired  to  make  a  conquest  of  him, 
whether  from  vanity  or  real  interest  it  is  not  easy  to 
tell.  She  was  introduced  to  him  as  one  who  was 
sincerely  asking  the  way  to  eternal  life,  and  under 
various  pretexts  contrived  to  be  often  near  him,  and 
to  lay  siege  to  his  heart. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  95 

On  one  occasion,  the  General  invited  him  to  din- 
ner, and  told  him  that  many,  judging  from  his  habits 
of  life,  thought  he  considered  the  use  of  wine  and 
animal  food  unlawful.  To  convince  them  that  such 
was  not  his  reason,  he  took  a  little  of  both ;  the  con- 
sequence of  which  was  a  fever  that  confined  him  for 
some  days.  She  attended  him  day  and  night,  entire- 
ly against  his  will,  but  with  a  watchful  tenderness, 
which  a  person  unused  to  such  kindness,  and  natural- 
ly warm-hearted,  would  be  likely  to  feel  deeply.  She 
suited  her  dress  to  his  well-known  taste  for  neatness 
and  simplicity,  and  manifested  that  interest  in  re- 
ligion which,  more  than  anything  else,  was  likely  to 
awaken  sympathy  in  him.  She  thus  succeeded,  to  a 
certain  extent,  in  inspiring  attachment,  and  the  great 
question  with  his  biographers  has  been,  whether  it 
partook  most  of  the  nature  of  gratitude  or  love. 
Those  who  take  the  unfavorable  view,  like  Southey, 
believe  that  he  was  desirous  to  marry  her,  and  that 
he  afterwards  resented  her  giving  herself  to  another 
while  he  was  making  up  his  mind.  His  friends,  on 
the  contrary,  take  a  view  more  consistent  with  his 
character  and  the  circumstances  as  they  appear; 
which  is,  that  he  was  interested  in  her  in  consequence 
of  the  interest  she  had  shown  in  him.  He  was 
doubtful  whether  he  ought  not  to  make  the  offer  of 
his  hand ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  was  not  fully 
convinced  of  the  depth  of  her  religious  feeling,  and 
dared  not  flatter  himself  that  she  would  be  a  fit 
companion  in  his  religious  life  and  duties.  Suppos- 
ing his  mind  to  have  been  in  this  state,  his  conduct 
becomes  perfectly  clear;  his  heart  was  interested  in 


96  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

her  more  than  his  judgment  could  approve;  and  with 
him  it  was  a  question  of  duty,  whether  gratitude  and 
the  interest  which  he  seemed  to  have  inspired  in  her 
required  him  to  marry  her,  or  whether  he  should 
disappoint  her  expectation,  resist  his  own  desire,  and 
keep  himself  free  for  the  service  of  his  God. 

His  friend  Delamotte,  having  no  attachment  to 
blind  him,  was  aware  of  the  unsoundness  of  her  re- 
ligious professions,  and  saw  how  much  the  welfare 
of  his  friend  was  endangered  by  her  art.  He  there- 
fore explained  to  Wesley  what  he  thought  of  her, 
and  asked  him  if  he  had  determined  to  make  her  his 
wife.  He  was  not  prepared  to  reply;  but,  thinking 
Delamotte  might  be  prejudiced  against  her,  he  called 
on  the  Moravian  Bishop,  a  single-hearted  man,  and 
asked  his  opinion.  "  Marriage,"  said  he,  "  you 
know,  is  not  unlawful;  whether  it  is  now  expedient 
for  you,  and  whether  this  lady  is  a  proper  wife  for 
you,  ought  to  be  maturely  weighed."  Finding  him- 
self unable  to  decide,  he  applied  to  the  elders  of  the 
Moravian  church.  When  he  entered  into  the  house 
where  they  were  met  together,  the  Bishop  said,  "  We 
have  considered  your  case.  Will  you  abide  by  our 
decision  ?  "  After  some  hesitation,  he  answered,  "  I 
will."  "  Then,"  said  the  Bishop,  "  we  advise  you  to 
proceed  no  further  in  this  business."  To  which  he 
replied,  "  The  will  of  the  Lord  be  done."  The  rea- 
son of  this  reference  evidently  was,  that  they  could 
judge  better  than  he  concerning  her  character,  and 
the  extent  to  which  he  was  bound  to  her.  As  to  the 
former,  he  labored  under  doubts,  which  he  could  not 
remove;  but,  if  others  thought  him  under  obligation, 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  97 

he  was  ready  to  offer  himself;  and  certain  it  is,  that, 
had  he  consulted  his  inclination  merely,  he  would 
have  done  it  before. 

The  official  biographers  of  Wesley  think  it  neces- 
sary to  implicate  General  Oglethorpe  in  this  matter, 
as  if  he  had  nothing  to  do,  in  those  stirring  times, 
but  to  arrange  a  little  intrigue  of  this  description. 
The  whole  charge  against  him  rests,  as  before,  on  the 
testimony  of  one  of  those  vestals,  who  have  appeared 
so  often.  She  said  to  Wesley,  that  Oglethorpe  had 
laid  this  plot  to  cure  him  of  his  enthusiasm ;  adding, 
"  I  have  been  urged  to  that  behavior  towards  you, 
which  I  am  now  ashamed  to  mention.  Both  Miss 
Sophia  and  myself  were  ordered,  if  we  could  but 
succeed,  to  deny  you  nothing."  How  probable  it 
was  that  the  General  would  give  such  orders  to 
ladies,  and  what  sort  of  a  lady  it  was  that  could  make 
such  a  communication,  the  reader  can  easily  judge. 
It  was  evidently  part  of  a  system,  diligently  pursued 
by  his  female  enemies,  to  embroil  him  with  the  Gen- 
eral, and  to  drive  him  from  the  colony  if  possible. 
Dr.  Whitehead,  on  the  contrary,  thinks  it  necessary 
to  lay  Wesley  under  some  reproach,  saying :  "  I 
cannot  help  thinking  it  would  have  been  more  to  the 
reputation  of  themselves  [the  official  biographers 
and  Mr.  Wesley]  to  have  openly  avowed  the  fact, 
that  he  did  intend  to  marry  Miss  Causton,  [Hop- 
kins,] and  was  not  a  little  pained  when  she  broke  off 
the  connection  at  last."  But  it  has  been  sufficiently 
shown  that,  much  as  he  desired  to  marry  her,  he  did 
not  intend  it,  unless  he  was  bound  to  it  in  honor; 
and  that  his  pain  arose,  not  from  the  circumstance 
A.  B.,  VOL.  iv.  —  7 


98  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

that  she  married  another,  but  from  his  doubts 
whether  her  character  was  what  it  should  have  been, 
and  her  professions  sincere. 

There  was  no  danger  of  any  heart-breaking  on  the 
lady's  part ;  and  the  sympathy  manifested  by  Southey 
and  others  seems  to  have  been  needlessly  bestowed. 
It  was  on  the  4th  of  March  that  their  intimacy 
ceased,  and  four  days  after  she  engaged  herself  to 
Mr.  Williamson,  and  on  the  I2th  of  the  same  month 
they  were  married. 

The  matter,  however,  was  not  destined  to  end  here. 
A  few  months  after  her  marriage,  Wesley  mentioned 
to  her  some  things  which  he  thought  reprehensible 
in  her  conduct.  "  No  man  but  Wesley,"  says 
Southey,  "  would  have  done  so  after  what  had 
passed  between  them ;  but  at  this  time  his  austere 
notions  led  him  wrong  in  everything."  Here  the 
biographer  assumes  that  the  things  which  he  found 
fault  with  were  trifling  improprieties  of  behavior; 
and  if  so,  his  remark  might  have  some  foundation. 
But  this  does  not  appear ;  it  is  not  likely  that  Wesley 
would  have  interfered,  except  under  a  stern  sense  of 
obligation.  The  only  thing  which  throws  light  upon 
the  subject  is  a  remark  of  Grahame,  that  "  he  was 
threatened  with  both  civil  and  criminal  process  for 
refusing  to  administer  the  communion  to  a  notorious 
adulteress."  *  To  whom  but  Mrs.  Williamson  could 
this  remark  be  meant  to  apply?  That  historian  says 
that  the  private  journal  of  Charles  Wesley  was  sub- 
mitted to  him  by  his  surviving  daughter,  Sarah,  and 
the  reader  is  left  to  infer  that  this  was  a  part  of  the 
*  Grahame's  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  III.  p.  200. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  99 

information  which  it  contained.  Certainly,  if  it  was 
so,  and  even  if  John  Wesley  had  reason  to  suppose 
her  guilty  of  that  sin,  it  affords  a  full  explanation  of 
his  proceeding,  and  shows  the  painful  necessity,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  generous  forbearance,  of  the 
course  which  he  pursued. 

The  lady  was,  naturally  enough,  troubled  under 
these  circumstances ;  but  the  unpopularity  of  the 
clergyman  induced  many  others  to  take  up  the  cause, 
which  she  perhaps  would  have  forborne  to  press ; par- 
ticularly her  husband,  who  was  determined  to  carry 
it  through.  Wesley,  not  to  bring  her  to  open  shame, 
took  ground  upon  the  rules  of  the  church,  which  re- 
quire that  those  who  intend  to  partake  of  the  com- 
munion shall  signify  their  purpose  to  the  curate  be- 
forehand;  and  that,  if  any  has  done  wrong,  the 
curate  shall  warn  him  not  to  come  to  the  table  till  he 
declares  himself  to  have  repented.  As,  in  compliance 
with  the  latter  of  these  rules,  he  had  communicated 
with  her  on  the  subject,  and  had  received  no  satis- 
faction, and  as  she  had  given  him  no  notice  of  her 
design  to  communicate,  after  long  neglecting  the 
table,  he  repelled  her  from  the  communion,  as  he 
thought  himself  in  duty  bound. 

There  was  an  obvious  reason  why  those  who  sym- 
pathized with  Mrs.  Williamson  should  be  silent  con- 
cerning the  real  cause  of  this  exclusion,  and  ascribe 
it  to  a  spirit  of  revenge.  Mr.  Causton  was  so  much 
excited  as  to  read  to  all  who  would  hear  them  pas- 
sages of  Wesley's  former  letters  to  his  niece,  chosen 

o  * 

in  order  to  sustain  this  view  of  the  subject.  Wesley, 
meantime,  expressed  feelings  not  very  likely  to  be 


100  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

associated  with  angry  passion.  "  I  sat  still  at  home, 
and,  I  thank  God,  easy,  having  committed  my  cause 
to  Him ;  and  remembering  his  word,  '  Blessed  is  the 
man  that  endureth  temptation ;  for  when  he  is  tried, 
he  shall  receive  the  crown  of  life,  which  the  Lord 
hath  promised  to  them  that  love  him.'  '  But  his 
enemies  were  active,  and,  the  day  after  her  exclusion, 
a  warrant  was  served  upon  him,  and  he  was  carried 
before  the  recorder  and  magistrate  of  Savannah,  on 
the  charge  of  Williamson,  first  for  defaming  his 
wife,  and  secondly  for  repelling  her,  without  cause, 
from  the  communion.  To  the  first  charge  he  op- 
posed his  denial,  and  the  second  being  an  ecclesiasti- 
cal matter  only,  he  denied  the  power  of  the  court  to 
call  him  to  account.  He  was  told,  nevertheless,  that 
he  must  appear  before  the  next  court ;  but  when  Wil- 
liamson desired  that  bail  should  be  given,  he  was 
told  that  Mr.  Wesley's  word  was  sufficient.  Mr. 
Causton  demanded  of  him  that  he  should  state  before 
the  court  the  reasons  for  his  proceeding  as  he  did : 
but  Wesley  said  that  he  apprehended  injurious  con- 
sequences might  arise  from  his  doing  so,  and  it 
would  be  better  that  the  whole  subject  should  be  laid 
before  the  trustees. 

As  Mr.  Stephens  testifies,  this  matter  was  the  chief 
subject  of  interest  in  Savannah  and  filled  it  with 
scandal  and  strife.*  At  the  request  of  some  of  the 
communicants,  Wesley  drew  up  a  short  statement, 
which  he  read  after  evening  prayers.  By  way  of 
reprisal,  Mrs.  Williamson  made  an  affidavit,  in 
which  she  stated  that  Wesley  had  offered  himself  to 
*  Stephens's  "  Journal,"  Vol.  I.  pp.  36-47. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  IOI 

her  many  times,  and  been  rejected,  which  certainly 
was  untrue.  He  desired  a  copy  of  it,  and  was  told 
by  Mr.  Causton  that  he  could  find  it  in  any  paper  in 
America.  A  grand  jury  was  summoned,  consisting 
of  fifty  persons,  instead  of  fifteen,  the  usual  number. 
One  of  them  was  a  Papist ;  one  a  Frenchman,  who 
did  not  speak  English ;  fifteen  were  dissenters,  and 
therefore  not  the  proper  judges  of  church  discipline; 
and  many  were  professed  enemies  of  Wesley,  who 
had  publicly  threatened  him  with  revenge.  Causton 
addressed  this  singular  body  in  a  speech  exhorting 
them  to  resist  all  spiritual  tyranny,  and  furnished 
them  a  list  of  grievances,  which,  with  some  small 
alterations,  was  handed  in  as  a  true  bill.  It  con- 
tained ten  counts,  one  of  which  was  for  writing  and 
speaking  to  Mrs.  Williamson  without  her  husband's 
consent,  another  for  excluding  her  from  the  com- 
munion, and  all  the  rest  related  to  his  discharge  of 
clerical  duties. 

Mrs.  Williamson  was  examined  and  testified  that 
she  had  no  objection  to  make  to  Mr.  Wesley's  con- 
duct before  her  marriage.  Mr.  Causton,  on  exam- 
ination, acknowledged  that  if  Mr.  Wesley  had  asked 
his  consent  for  his  niece,  he  should  not  have  refused 
it;  while  Mrs.  Causton  testified  what  was  most  to 
the  purpose,  from  which  it  appeared  that  it  was  at 
her  desire  that  Wesley  had  written  to  Mrs.  William- 
son that  warning  respecting  her  conduct  which  was 
ascribed  to  revenge,  and  from  which  all  the  tumult 
arose;  a  fact  by  which  Wesley  might  at  any  moment 
have  justified  himself,  but  which  his  delicacy  induced 
him  to  conceal.  By  this  time,  it  was  tolerably  clear 


102  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

that  nothing  would  be  made  out  against  Wesley; 
and  that  so  numerous  a  grand  jury  might  not  come 
together  for  no  purpose,  they  took  occasion  to  enter 
into  an  investigation  of  the  whole  public  history  of 
Mr.  Causton  himself,  for  which  purpose  they  sum- 
moned witnesses ;  but  this  course  was  so  unpalatable 
to  him  that  he  immediately  adjourned  their  meeting 
to  a  future  day. 

When  Wesley  appeared  before  the  court,  he  de- 
clared that,  as  nine  of  the  counts  in  the  indictment 
related  to  ecclesiastical  matters,  they  did  not  come 
under  the  cognizance  of  that  tribunal.  But  the  tenth, 
concerning  his  writing  and  speaking  to  Mrs.  Wil- 
liamson, was  of  a  secular  nature,  and  on  that  charge 
he  desired  to  be  brought  to  trial.  He  urged  this  with 
much  earnestness,  saying :  '  Those  who  are  of- 
fended with  me  may  then  see  whether  I  have  done 
wrong  to  any  one;  or  whether  I  have  not  rather  de- 
served the  thanks  of  Mrs.  Williamson,  Mr.  Causton, 
and  the  whole  family."  By  this  time,  twelve  of  the 
grand  jury  were  moved  to  draw  up  a  protest  against 
the  proceedings  of  the  majority,  to  be  forwarded  to 
the  trustees ;  but  it  was  in  vain  that  he  demanded  a 
trial ;  again  and  again  he  appeared ;  but  as  often  the 
case  was  put  aside  and  his  claims  disregarded.  The 
object  evidently  was  to  wear  out  his  patience  till  he 
should  leave  the  colony,  without  that  public  recogni- 
tion of  his  innocence  which  he  had  a  right  to  demand. 

After  some  months  spent  in  this  way,  he  deter- 
mined to  return  to  England,  and  he  set  up  a  notice  in 
the  public  square  requesting  all  who  had  borrowed 
his  books  to  return  them  before  he  left  the  country. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  103 

To  keep  up  appearances  against  him,  the  magistrates 
required  security  for  his  answering  in  court,  and 
published  orders  to  constables  and  sentinels  to  pre- 
vent his  leaving  the  colony ;  orders,  however,  which 
were  not  meant  to  be  obeyed.  He  went  to  a  happier 
home  and  a  more  extended  field  of  labor;  but,  though 
some  have  represented  this  early  part  of  his  history 
as  not  in  harmony  with  his  later  life,  it  will  be  found, 
on  examination,  that  he  was  spiritual,  conscientious, 
and  devout,  as  in  later  years ;  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  harvest  which  Whitefield,  his  active 
and  intrepid  successor,  reaped  in  Georgia,  was 
owing,  in  a  great  measure,  to  seed  which  Wesley  had 
sown. 

This  account  of  the  Wesleys  has  been  presented 
somewhat  at  large,  because  they  have  been  unreason- 
ably censured,  and  quite  as  injudiciously  defended, 
by  those  who  think  it  necessary  to  destroy  the  Gen- 
eral's reputation  in  order  to  vindicate  theirs.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  Charles  Wesley  had  finished  his 
course  in  Georgia  in  the  preceding  year.  Whatever 
John  Wesley  ever  knew  to  the  General's  disadvan- 
tage, he  must  have  been  acquainted  with  before  the 
General  or  he  left  the  country;  and  yet  it  appears 
that,  in  the  Spring  of  the  next  year,  he  writes  to  him 
in  the  following  terms,  which  he  could  not  have  used 
if  he  had  lost  his  respect  for  him,  or  believed  him  the 
instigator  of  pitiful  intrigues  against  him.  In  a  let- 
ter to  General  Oglethorpe,  in  England,  dated  Febru- 
ary 24th,  1737,  in  which  he  alludes  to  charges  made 
against  him,  he  says :  "  If,  as  I  shall  hope  till  strong 
proof  appear,  your  heart  was  right  before  God;  if  it 


IO4  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

was  your  real  design  to  promote  the  glory  of  God  by 
promoting  peace  and  love  among  men,  let  not  your 
heart  be  troubled;  the  God  whom  you  serve  is  able 
to  deliver  you.  Perhaps,  in  some  things,  you  have 
shown  you  are  but  a  man;  perhaps  I  myself  may 
have  a  little  to  complain  of;  but  what  a  train  of 
benefits  have  I  received  to  lay  in  the  balance  against 
it !  I  bless  God  that  ever  you  was  born.  I  acknowl- 
edge his  exceeding  mercy  in  casting  me  into  your 
hands.  I  own  your  generous  kindness  all  the  time 
we  were  at  sea ;  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  a  thousand 
favors  here.  Why,  then,  the  least  I  can  say  is, 
though  all  men  should  revile  you,  yet,  if  God  shall 
strengthen  me,  so  will  not  I."  John  Wesley  was 
never  suspected  of  any  want  of  sincerity;  and  yet, 
according  to  some  of  his  friends,  he  addressed  words 
to  a  man  whom  he  knew  to  be  corrupt  and  licentious, 
and  who,  he  believed,  had  laid  plans  to  ruin  his  vir- 
tue ancl  reputation,  and  even  had  employed  others  to 
take  his  life.  Believe  it  who  will. 

The  journal  of  John  Wesley  is  silent  with  respect 
to  these  particulars  just  adverted  to.  This  charge 
against  Oglethorpe  is  not  sustained  by  him.  Gra- 
hame  says  that  an  aged  friend  of  his  was  in  a  com- 
pany in  London,  where  Wesley  first  met  the  General 
after  his  return  from  America ;  the  latter  approached 
Wesley,  and  respectfully  kissed  his  hand.  Sarah 
Wesley  assured  him  that  both  her  father  and  uncle 
always  expressed  the  kindest  feelings  toward  him. 
His  conduct  toward  them  at  times  in  America,  they 
were  unwilling  to  discuss ;  whenever  they  referred  to 
it,  they  spoke  of  it  as  an  unfortunate  delusion,  which 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  IO5 

was  more  to  be  lamented  than  condemned.  Such 
conduct  was  certainly  honorable;  for  there  is  no 
doubt  of  his  having  treated  them  with  unkindness  in 
consequence  of  the  malicious  charges  of  their  ene- 
mies ;  and  it  also  gives  testimony  that,  whatever  rea- 
sons for  complaint  he  might  have  given,  a  deep  feel- 
ing of  mutual  respect  existed.  They,  doubtless, 
looked  on  him  as  a  man  of  the  world,  and  he  re- 
garded them  as  enthusiasts ;  but  each  party  did  jus- 
tice to  the  great  merits  and  virtues  of  the  other. 


CHAPTER  IX 

Whitefield's  first  Visit  to  Georgia. — Establishment  of  his 
Orphan  House. — Oglethorpe  returns  to  England. — Appointed 
Commander-in-chief  of  Carolina  and  Georgia,  on  the  Pros- 
pect of  a  Spanish  War,  and  goes  back  to  Georgia  with  a 
Regiment  of  Troops. 

WHEN  Charles  Wesley  returned  to  England,  he 
encouraged  a  desire,  which  the  celebrated  Whitefield 
had  formed,  to  preach  the  gospel  in  Georgia,  believ- 
ing that  his  fiery  heart  and  resistless  eloquence  might 
be  able  to  deal  with  obstacles  which  more  quiet 
spirits  were  unable  to  subdue.  He  addressed  him 
in  inspiring  words : 

"  Servant  of  God  !  the  summons  hear ! 

Thy  Master  calls  !  arise  !  obey  ! 
The  tokens  of  his  will  appear ; 

His  providence  points  out  the  way. 

"  Champion  of  God !  thy  Lord  proclaim ! 

Jesus  alone  resolve  to  know ; 
Tread  down  thy  foes  in  Jesus'  name, 

And,  conquering  and  to  conquer,  go !  " 

It  was  not  that  Charles  Wesley  wished  to  expose 
others  to  trials  from  which  he  himself  had  fled.  He 
was  himself  determined  to  return,  but,  much  to  the 
disappointment  of  General  Oglethorpe,  a  dangerous 
illness  prevented.  The  vessel  which  carried  out 

1 06 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  IO/ 

Whitefield  was  in  the  Downs  on  her  outward  pas- 
sage, when  that  in  which  John  Wesley  returned  was 
about  to  anchor  on  the  shore  of  England.  When  he 
arrived  in  Georgia,  he  was  unpleasantly  struck  with 
the  aspect  of  the  young  colony,  and  saw  that  it  was 
quite  possible  to  carry  across  the  deep  the  same  dis- 
positions which  had  made  them  unprosperous  and 
unhappy  at  home.  But  so  far  from  being  discour- 
aged at  this,  lie  regarded  it  as  an  inspiration  to  his 
energies ;  and  he  called  them  to  repentance  and  re- 
form with  a  voice  of  matchless  power.  He  was  par- 
ticularly affected  by  the  condition  of  the  children. 
The  idea  of  an  Orphan  House  had  been  suggested 
to  him  by  Charles  Wesley ;  and,  believing  this  to  be 
the  most  essential  want  of  the  settlement,  he  set  him- 
self about  the  establishment  of  one  with  that  force 
of  character  which  enabled  him  to  accomplish  what- 
ever he  had  at  heart.  He  was  delighted  with  a  simi- 
lar institution  of  the  Saltzburgers,  which  he  saw  at 
Ebenezer.  Indeed,  everything  about  the  settlement 
of  those  industrious  and  faithful  exiles  answered  to 
his  ideas  of  a  Christian  community;  and,  like  Wes- 
ley, he  thought  it  a  privilege  to  look  to  them  for  in- 
struction and  example. 

It  was  not  in  his  nature  to  rest ;  and,  after  visiting 
the  various  settlements,  where,  instead  of  rinding 
cause  for  depression,  he  wondered  rather  that  so 
much  was  done,  he  returned  to  England,  after  an 
absence  of  less  than  a  year,  to  receive  priest's  orders, 
and  to  secure  funds  for  the  proposed  Orphan  House. 
The  trustees  readily  granted  five  hundred  acres  of 
land  for  the  purpose,  and,  though  he  insisted  on  hav- 


108  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

ing  no  salary,  gave  him  the  living  of  Savannah.  He 
made  public  appeals  in  behalf  of  the  contemplated 
charity  with  perfect  success.  In  a  little  more  than 
three  years,  he  returned  to  Georgia,  where  he  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  building  on  the  i  ith  of  March, 
1742.  Afterwards,  he  exerted  himself  in  its  favor, 
as  he  travelled  through  England  and  America,  and 
had  the  satisfaction  of  believing  that  he  had  ren- 
dered permanent  service  to  the  cause  of  humanity 
and  religion.* 

When  General  Oglethorpe  returned  to  England, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1737  he  found  the  Eng- 
lish people  in  a  state  of  sufficient  excitement  and 
ready  to  do  all  that  might  be  necessary  to  secure  the 
Colonies  from  the  grasp  of  Spain.  He  received  the 
unanimous  thanks  of  the  trustees  for  his  services; 
and,  in  compliance  with  his  suggestion,  the  Board 
petitioned  that  a  regiment  might  be  raised  for  the  de- 
fence and  protection  of  Georgia.  This  was  readily 
granted;  and  he  was  appointed  General  and  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  his  Majesty's  forces  in  Carolina 
and  Georgia ;  with  commission  to  raise  a  regiment, 
consisting  of  six  companies,  of  one  hundred  men 
each,  to  which  a  company  of  grenadiers  was  after- 
wards added.  In  making  his  appointments,  he  dis- 
dained to  sell  commissions,  according  to  the  usual 


*  During  Whitefield's  several  visits  to  America,  he  formed 
an  intimate  friendship  with  Franklin,  who  rendered  him  ef- 
fectual aid  towards  collecting  funds  for  his  Orphan  House. 
In  writing  to  his  brother,  August  6th,  1747,  Franklin  says: 
"  I  am  glad  that  Mr.  Whitefield  is  safe  arrived,  and  recovered 
his  health.  He  is  a  good  man,  and  I  love  him." — Sparks's 
"  Works  of  Franklin,"  Vol.  VII.  p.  74. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  109 

practice,  but  appointed  men  of  character  and  stand- 
ing, and  engaged  twenty  young  gentlemen  to  serve 
as  cadets,  who  were  afterwards  promoted  according 
to  their  merit,  supplying  them  with  what  was  neces- 
sary to  pay  the  fees  of  their  commissions,  and  pro- 
vide their  outfit  as  officers;  an  extent  of  generosity 
very  unusual  in  the  service  at  that  or  any  other  day. 
In  order  to  induce  the  soldiers  who  might  enlist  to 
become  settlers,  every  man  was  allowed  to  take  a 
wife  with  him,  with  additional  pay  and  rations  for 
her  support.  Part  of  the  regiment  embarked  early 
in  the  Spring,  and  arrived  at  Charleston  in  May. 
The  remainder  sailed  in  company  with  the  General 
in  the  Hector  and  Blandford  men-of-war,  and  five 
transports,  which,  after  a  passage  of  little  more  than 
two  months,  arrived  at  St.  Simons  in  September  of 
the  same  year. 

His  first  object  was  to  put  every  frontier  post  in 
a  state  of  defence,  assigning  different  corps  for  the 
services  to  which  they  were  best  adapted ;  some  to 
garrison  the  forts,  some  to  range  the  woods,  others, 
light  armed,  for  expeditions  at  short  warning.  Ves- 
sels were  stationed  on  the  coast  to  give  notice  of  any 
approach  of  enemies  by  sea,  as  the  Spaniards  were 
understood  to  be  preparing  a  force  for  embarkation 
at  Havana,  and  it  was  supposed  that  Georgia  was 
most  likely  to  be  the  point  where  the  blow  would 
fall.  The  General  set  the  example  to  the  troops  of 
activity  and  contempt  of  hardship.  He  always  lay 
in  tents,  though  the  men  had  houses,  or  huts,  in 
which  they  could  have  fires,  which  were  often 
needed;  he  never,  in  his  public  capacity,  required 


110  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

others  to  do  or  suffer  anything  where  he  was  not 
willing  to  go  before  and  set  the  first  example. 

This  was  not,  however,  sufficient  to  prevent  all 
disaffection  among  the  forces.  Some  appeared  to 
have  enlisted  with  the  view  of  corrupting  others. 
One  Shannon,  a  Catholic,  had  merited  the  severest 
punishment  at  Spithead,  and  afterwards  at  St. 
Simons;  but,  instead  of  suffering  death,  he  was 
whipped  and  drummed  out  of  the  regiment.  General 
Oglethorpe  discovered  his  true  character  on  the  voy- 
age, but  was  unwilling  to  take  his  life.  After  leav- 
ing the  army,  he  endeavored  to  make  trouble  with 
the  Indians,  but  was  taken  and  thrown  into  prison  at 
Savannah,  from  which  he  escaped,  and,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  a  Spaniard,  murdered  two  persons  at  Fort 
Argyle.  For  this  crime,  they  were  taken  at  the 
Uchee  town,  and  brought  to  Savannah,  where  they 
were  executed.  It  appeared  that,  on  the  voyage,  he 
had  money  in  plenty,  and  there  was  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  he-  was  a  treacherous  agent  for  others. 

Shortly  after  this,  but  not  in  connection  with  it, 
another  difficulty  arose.  Some  of  the  soldiers,  who 
came  from  Gibraltar,  had  received  their  provisions 
for  six  months,  in  addition  to  their  pay.  When  the 
provisions  were  exhausted,  they  were  to  live  upon 
their  pay;  but,  finding  that  the  supply  was  spent, 
they  grew  discontented;  and  one  of  them,  bolder 
than  the  rest,  went  up  to  the  General,  as  he  was 
standing  with  Captain  Mackay,  and  demanded  a  re- 
newal of  the  supply.  The  General  calmly  told  him 
that  the  conditions  of  their  enlistment  were  fulfilled ; 
and,  if  they  wished  for  favors,  they  took  the  wrong 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  III 

way  to  obtain  them.  The  man  growing  insolent, 
the  Captain  drew  his  sword,  which  the  soldier 
wrenched  from  his  hand  and  broke  in  two,  throwing 
the  hilt  at  him.  He  then  ran  to  the  barrack,  where 
he  seized  his  gun,  crying  out,  "  One  and  all !  "  upon 
which  five  others,  who  were  in  readiness,  rushed  out 
with  their  guns,  and  the  ringleader  shot  at  the  Gen- 
eral. The  ball  did  not  take  effect,  though  the  pow- 
der scorched  his  face  and  burned  his  clothes.  He 
was  immediately  surrounded  by  faithful  soldiers, 
who  seized  the  mutineers,  and  prevented  further  out- 
rage. They  were  tried  by  court-martial,  and  re- 
ceived sentence  of  death.  Mr.  Stephens  remarks : 
"  Among  other  things  generally  talked  of  in  town, 
none  deserved  the  like  attention  as  what  was  told  us 
concerning  a  late  mutiny  among  the  soldiers  at  Fort 
St.  Andrew ;  where  they  attempted  openly  the  life  of 
the  General  himself,  as  well  as  their  immediate 
officer,  Captain  Mackay.  But,  by  the  great  presence 
of  mind  in  the  General,  and  his  daring  intrepidity, 
it  was  happily  suppressed,  with  the  loss  of  one  man 
shot  in  the  scuffle,  and  divers  taken  into  custody,  to 
meet  with  their  demerits,  at  a  court-martial,  here- 
after." *  It  does  not  appear  that  anyone  was  killed 
on  the  occasion;  but  letters  at  the  time  from  the 
camp  lamented  that  the  General's  humanity  made 
him  so  slow  to  inflict  the  punishment  of  death,  when 
the  court-martial  had  awarded  it,  and  the  officers 
were  not  secure  without  that  solemn  warning. 

When  the  spirit  of  insubordination  was  quelled 
among  the  troops,  and  the  safety  of  the  frontier  pro- 
*  Stephens's  "  Journal,"  Vol.  I.  p.  326. 


112  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

vided  for,  the  General  took  the  opportunity  to  visit 
Savannah,  where  many  things  required  immediate 
attention.  He  was  received  with  salutes,  bonfires, 
and  all  testimonies  of  public  rejoicing;  but  there 
were  some,  who,  knowing  his  impartial  integrity, 
could  have  small  share  in  the  general  satisfaction. 
He  was  informed  that  the  grand  jury  had  made  a 
representation,  complaining  of  Mr.  Causton,  as  arbi- 
trary and  partial  in  his  conduct  as  a  magistrate,  and 
corrupt  and  wasteful  in  his  charge  of  the  public 
stores.  On  examining  the  subject,  the  General  re- 
moved him  from  his  office,  appointing  in  his  stead 
Colonel  William  Stephens,  who  had  been  sent  over 
as  secretary  of  the  Colony  by  the  trustees,  the  author 
of  the  Journal  to  which  reference  has  been  made,  and 
required  Causton  to  give  security  for  his  appearance 
to  answer  the  charges,  by  assigning  his  estate  at 
Oakstead,  and  his  improvements  elsewhere.  It  ap- 
peared that  the  trust  funds  sent  for  the  support  of 
the  Colony  had  been  shamefully  wasted. 

After  remaining  about  two  weeks  at  Savannah, 
the  General  set  out  for  the  south ;  but  Mr.  Causton, 
who  was  employed  in  making  up  his  accounts,  took 
occasion  to  intimate  that  the  waste,  of  which  so  much 
had  been  said,  was  owing  to  the  General's  orders, 
and  he  himself  was  made  the  sacrifice  for  crimes  of 
which  another  was  guilty.  It  was  necessary,  in  the 
excited  state  of  the  Colony,  that  such  insinuations 
should  be  contradicted  at  once;  and,  therefore,  the 
General  returned  without  delay,  reaching  Savannah 
unexpectedly,  as  the  bell  was  ringing  for  morning 
prayers,  which  he  attended.  It  was  well  for  Causton 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  113 

that  he  returned  at  such  an  hour ;  for,  in  the  evening, 
he  sent  for  him,  and,  instead  of  that  severity  which 
might  have  been  expected,  from  his  impetuous  na- 
ture, under  such  a  provocation,  he  gently  cautioned 
him  to  use  no  more  such  freedom  with  his  name;  but 
gave  him  full  permission  to  produce  all  his  corre- 
spondence with  him,  and  recommended  to  him  to 
lose  no  time  in  settling  his  account,  since  all  delay 
was  giving  impressions  to  his  disadvantage. 

The  General's  commission  as  Commander-in-chief 
gave  him  authority  in  Carolina  as  well  as  Georgia. 
He  therefore  proceeded  to  Charleston  on  the  loth  of 
March,  1739,  and  on  the  3d  of  April,  his  commission 
was  read  in  the  General  Assembly.  On  the  nth,  he 
returned  to  Savannah,  where  he  was  concerned  to 
see  that  disaffection  prevailed  to  a  great  extent,  on 
account  of  the  necessary  burdens  and  restrictions, 
and  that  those  who  were  under  the  greatest  obliga- 
tions to  the  trustees  were  loudest  in  their  complaints 
against  them.  Meantime,  the  hardy  Scots  at  Darien, 
and  the  Saltzburgers  at  Ebenezer,  though  subject  to 
the  same  inconveniences,  submitted  patiently  to  evils 
which  they  knew  could  not  be  averted ;  and,  in  gen- 
eral, it  was  obvious  that  the  dissatisfaction  was 
greatest  among  the  idle  and  unworthy  members  of 
society,  who  had  least  claim  to  forbearance  and  re- 
gard. But  Oglethorpe  conducted  himself  with  the 
greatest  dignity  and  moderation ;  with  all  his  just 
reasons  for  displeasure,  he  treated  them  with  im- 
partial kindness ;  enforcing  the  laws  and  protecting 
the  interests  of  the  Colony,  but  never  resorting  to 
any  severity  where  it  was  not  imperatively  required. 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  —  8 


114  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY' 

In  all  his  dealings  with  the  Indians,  he  had  pre- 
served their  respect  and  confidence  by  his  justice  and 
kindness  of  bearing.  Some  of  the  warriors  had 
waited  on  him  with  an  assurance  of  their  friendship, 
expressing  a  desire  that  he  would  visit  their  towns. 
To  make  sure  of  their  fidelity,  he  took  a  journey  to 
Coweta,  one  of  the  towns  of  the  Muscoghe  or  Creek 
Indians,  where  all  the  chiefs  were  to  hold  a  council 
on  the  nth  of  August,  exposing  himself  to  hard- 
ships which  would  have  been  intolerable  to  any  but  a 
man  of  hardy  habits  and  steady  resolution.  The 
way  led  through  a  wilderness,  where  there  was  no 
road  at  all,  and  often  no  visible  track. 

After  smoking  the  calumet,  they  declared  that  they 
remained  firm  in  their  faith  to  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  and  that  they  would  faithfully  abide  by  all 
the  engagements  into  which  they  had  entered  with 
General  Oglethorpe,  in  the  name  of  the  trustees. 
They  renewed  the  former  grants,  extending  the 
southern  boundary  to  the  River  St.  John.  The  Gen- 
eral bound  himself,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  that 
they  should  not  encroach  upon  any  other  lands,  and 
that  all  the  reserved  privileges  of  the  Creeks  should 
be  faithfully  respected,  while  the  trade  between  them 
should  be  conducted  with  fairness  and  honor. 

This  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  2ist  of  August, 
1739,  after  which  the  General  with  his  attendants 
set  out  on  their  return.  After  enduring  the  same 
hardships  as  before,  he  reached  Fort  Augusta  on  the 
5th  of  September ;  there  he  was  met  by  a  deputation 
of  chiefs  of  the  Chicasaws  and  Cherokees,  the  latter 
of  whom  complained  that  their  people  had  been  poi- 


JAMES    ODLETHORPE  115 

soned  by  the  rum  sold  them  by  the  traders.  It  ap- 
peared, on  investigation,  that  some  unlicensed  trad- 
ers had  introduced  the  small-pox  among  them,  and 
that  some  of  the  warriors  and  others  had  taken  it  and 
died.  He  succeeded  with  some  difficulty  in  explain- 
ing to  them  the  nature  of  the  disease,  and  assured 
them  that  from  licensed  traders  no  such  dangers  need 
be  apprehended,  as  they  were  rigidly  examined  be- 
fore they  were  permitted  to  go  into  the  Indian  coun- 
try. With  his  explanations,  supported  by  his  well- 
known  character,  they  were  satisfied,  and  went  away 
in  peace. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Tomo  Chichi,  the 
steady  friend  of  the  Georgians,  died  of  a  lingering 
illness,  though  nearly  a  hundred  years  of  age.  He 
was  a  man  of  great  intelligence  and  much  generosity 
of  feeling;  he  had  always  been  liberal  in  his  grants 
and  presents,  and  had  served  the  Colonists  well  by 
his  good  offices  with  other  Indians.  He  saw  that  the 
interest  and  welfare  of  his  people  required  them  to 
keep  on  good  terms  with  the  English,  and,  with 
General  Oglethorpe  for  their  leader,  whom  he  held 
in  the  most  affectionate  veneration,  he  knew  that  the 
confidence  of  the  weaker  party  never  could  be  be- 
trayed. He  died  at  his  own  town,  four  miles  from 
Savannah,  and  was  sensible  to  the  very  last,  exhort- 
ing his  people  to  maintain  their  friendly  relations 
with  the  Colonists,  and  only  regretting  his  death  at 
the  time,  because  there  was  a  prospect  of  his  being 
useful  against  the  Spaniards  had  he  lived.  He  de- 
sired that  his  body  might  be  buried  in  Savannah,  as 
he  had  prevailed  on  the  Creeks  to  grant  the  land  for 


Il6  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

the  town,  and  had  assisted  in  laying  its  foundations. 
His  remains  were  treated  with  the  utmost  respect, 
and  followed  to  his  grave,  in  the  public  square,  by 
the  General  himself,  with  his  officers  and  the  magis- 
trates of  the  town.  The  General  ordered  a  pyramid 
of  stone  to  be  erected  over  him ;  but  a  late  writer, 
himself  a  Georgian,  asks  the  significant  question, 
"  Where  is  his  tomb  ?  " 


CHAPTER  X 

War  with  Spain. — Spaniards  land  on  Amelia  Island. — Ogle- 
thorpe  enters  Florida. — St.  Augustine  invested. — Failure  of 
the  Attempt  at  Assault. — The  Fleet  fail  to  cooperate,  and  the 
Enterprise  abandoned. 

THE  British  minister,  up  to  this  time,  had  been 
successful  in  maintaining  his  policy,  which  was  to 
secure  the  prosperity  of  his  country  by  keeping  it  at 
peace  with  other  nations ;  but  the  clamors  of  interest 
and  party  prevailed  at  last  against  his  better  judg- 
ment, and  the  nation  was  hurried  into  a  thoughtless 
and  bloody  war.  On  the  I3th  of  September,  news 
reached  the  General  that  the  Governor  of  Rhode 
Island  had  issued  commissions  for  fitting  out  priva- 
teers against  the  Spaniards ;  and  on  the  22d,  by 
which  time  he  had  returned  to  Savannah,  he  received 
and  published  similar  orders.  He  was  not  sorry  to 
be  directed  to  injure  the  Spanish  settlements  with  all 
the  means  in  his  power;  since  he  had  long  been  per- 
suaded in  his  own  mind  that  the  Spaniards  were 
making  preparation  and  waiting  the  opportunity  to 
seize  the  province  of  Georgia,  and  thus  to  deprive 
his  country  of  all  the  benefit  of  his  labors. 

He  saw,  however,  that  he  was  placed  in  a  difficult 
and  dangerous  position,  and  that  it  was  only  by  the 
most  diligent  efforts  he  should  be  able  to  secure  his 

117 


IlS  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

people.  It  was  on  Georgia  that  the  first  vengeance 
of  Spain  would  be  likely  to  come,  and  all  his  military 
force  would  hardly  be  able  to  resist  them.  He  there- 
fore summoned  the  Indian  warriors  to  his  aid,  four 
hundred  Creeks  and  six  hundred  Cherokees,  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  southern  frontiers.  A  company  of  ran- 
gers was  formed,  to  prevent  invasion  by  surprise  on 
shore,  and  also  to  stop  the  fugitive  slaves  from  Caro- 
lina, who  might  be  passing  over  to  the  enemy.  At 
the  same  time  the  militia  were  reviewed,  equipped, 
and  put  in  order  to  render  the  best  service  in  their 
power.  But,  knowing  how  little  this  was,  he  applied 
to  the  Assembly  of  Carolina  for  assistance,  and  sug- 
gested to  the  naval  officers  on  the  station  the  advan- 
tage of  blockading  St.  Augustine,  before  reinforce- 
ments and  supplies  from  Havana  could  reach  it. 

It  was  not  long  before  hostilities  began.  In  No- 
vember, a  party  of  Spaniards  landed  on  Amelia 
Island,  where  they  secreted  themselves  till  morning, 
when  they  fired  upon  two  Highlanders,  who  went 
into  the  woods  for  fuel,  and  not  only  killed  them,  but 
mangled  their  bodies  with  swords  or  knives.  The 
firing  was  heard  by  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
scout-boat,  who  made  signal  to  the  fort,  from  which 
a  party  proceeded  to  the  spot;  but  it  was  too  late; 
the  Spaniards  had  already  escaped  by  sea.  The 
General  immediately  pursued  them;  but,  not  being 
able  to  overtake  them,  he  crossed  the  St.  John  into 
Florida,  charged  and  defeated  the  Spanish  cavalry, 
stationed  as  a  guard  on  that  river,  and  took  accurate 
observation  of  all  the  military  works  of  the  enemy. 
Being  unable  to  make  himself  master  of  them  for 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  119 

want  of  artillery,  he  returned  to  Frederica,  procured 
the  force  and  cannon  which  were  wanted,  took  the 
two  forts  of  Picolata  and  St.  Francis,  and  made  the 
garrisons  prisoners  of  war. 

The  prisoners  were  closely  examined  respecting 
the  condition  of  St.  Augustine ;  from  them  the  Gen- 
eral learned  that  the  galleys  had  been  sent  to  Havana 
for  provisions,  which  were  much  needed,  and  that 
the  river  and  coast  were  left  undefended.  He  imme- 
diately applied  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Bull,  of 
South  Carolina,  first  by  letter,  and  afterwards  in 
person,  proposing  an  expedition  against  that  place. 
for  which  the  time  seemed  so  favorable.  After  some 
delay,  an  Act  was  passed  by  the  Assembly  for  rais- 
ing a  regiment  of  four  hundred  men  under  Colonel 
Vanderdussen,  a  troop  of  rangers,  presents  for  the 
Indians,  and  three  months'  provisions,  together  with 
a  large  schooner  bearing  twenty-six  guns,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Tyrrell.  Having  made  these 
arrangements,  and  secured  the  cooperation  of  the 
British  Commodore  on  the  station,  the  General  pub- 
lished his  manifesto,  in  which  he  stated  the  object 
of  the  expedition,  and  engaged  that  whatever  share 
of  plunder  might  come  to  himself  should  be  appro- 
priated to  reward  those  who  distinguished  them- 
selves, and  to  support  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
those  who  fell. 

After  proceeding  to  the  Uchee  Town,  to  request 
that  the  chiefs  and  warriors  might  be  summoned,  he 
returned  to  Frederica ;  where  having  completed  the 
equipment  of  his  forces  and  provided  cannon,  stores, 
and  provisions,  he  took  with  him  four  hundred  men 


120  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

and  a  party  of  Creeks,  and  with  them  passed  over 
into  Florida. 

His  first  object  was  to  cut  oft  the  communication 
between  St.  Augustine  and  the  surrounding  country. 
For  this  purpose,  he  took  the  small  fort,  called  Fran- 
cis de  Pupa,  at  seventeen  miles'  distance.  Thence 
he  proceeded  to  Fort  Diego,  twenty-five  miles  dis- 
tant, which  he  took  by  a  stratagem,  which  saved  the 
loss  of  blood ;  directing  his  men  to  show  themselves 
in  the  woods  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  the  impres- 
sion of  a  great  force.  The  garrison  when  summoned 
to  surrender  did  so  without  delay,  only  stipulating 
that  they  should  be  treated  as  prisoners  of  war,  and 
not  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  whose 
revenge  for  former  injuries  they  had  good  reason  to 
dread.  They  delivered  up  their  cannon  with  the  am- 
munition, but  were  allowed  to  keep  their  baggage; 
and  the  planter  who  had  built  the  fort  at  his  own 
expense  was  allowed  to  keep  his  plantation  and 
slaves.  A  garrison  of  sixty  men  was  left  in  the  fort 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Dunbar.  Mean- 
time, Colonel  Vanderdussen,  with  the  Carolina 
troops,  and  Captain  Mclntosh,  with  a  party  of  High- 
landers, had  arrived ;  while  six  Spanish  half-galleys, 
armed  with  long  brass  nine-pounders,  manned  by 
two  hundred  soldiers,  and  followed  by  two  sloops 
laden  with  ammunition  and  provisions,  had  entered 
the  harbor  of  St.  Augustine,  increasing  the  force  and 
means  of  the  enemy  so  much  as  to  make  it  very  diffi- 
cult to  dislodge  them. 

There  was  no  hope  of  succeeding  by  a  siege  from 
the  land  side,  because  the  force  was  insufficient,  and 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  121 

pioneers  were  wanting.  The  only  thing  that  seemed 
practicable  was  a  combined  assault  by  land  and  sea. 
The  General  concerted  a  plan  with  the  naval  officers, 
by  which,  when  they  arrived  off  the  bar  of  the  north- 
ern channel,  he  should  march  up  to  St.  Augustine 
with  his  whole  force  of  about  two  thousand,  and  that 
signals  should  be  exchanged  to  show  that  each  party 
was  ready  to  begin.  On  the  night  of  June  4th,  he 
marched,  taking  and  destroying  Fort  Moosa,  three 
miles  from  St.  Augustine,  which  he  encountered  on 
his  way.  He  made  the  signal  of  his  own  readiness ; 
but  it  was  not  answered  from  the  fleet,  it  having  been 
ascertained  on  board  that,  owing  to  the  position  of 
the  Spanish  galleys,  their  boats  could  not  reach  the 
shore. 

This  was  a  severe  disappointment ;  but  the  General 
resolved  to  secure  the  benefit  of  the  presence  of  the 
fleet,  by  turning  the  siege  into  a  blockade,  and  cut- 
ting off  all  supplies  from  St.  Augustine,  both  by  land 
and  sea.  Colonel  Vanderdussen  was  ordered  to  take 
possession  of  Point  Quartell,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor  opposite  Anastasia,  while  Colonel  Palmer 
was  ordered  to  scour  the  woods,  avoiding  all  conflict 
with  the  enemy,  and  taking  all  possible  precautions 
against  a  surprise. 

There  was  a  fortification  on  St.  Anastasia,  which 
commanded  the  entrance  to  the  harbor.  It  was  de- 
termined to  take  possession  of  this,  which  would  give 
the  smaller  vessels  admission  to  the  harbor,  though 
the  water  was  not  deep  enough  for  the  ships.  The 
General  took  with  him  the  Indians  and  two  hundred 
soldiers,  who  were  joined  by  an  equal  number  from 


122  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

the  fleet.  The  Spaniards  were  vigorously  attacked, 
and  soon  defeated ;  but  the  possession  of  the  battery 
proved  of  little  service,  from  the  want  of  proper  ma- 
terials for  the  works  and  the  unfitness  of  their  can- 
non, only  a  few  of  those  which  were  promised  having 
yet  arrived. 

But  this  success  on  one  side  was  more  than  bal- 
anced by  severe  loss  on  the  other.  Colonel  Palmer, 
an  officer  of  activity  and  courage,  but  imprudent  and 
careless,  did  not  regard  his  orders,  which  were  to 
keep  in  constant  motion,  and  never  to  rest  two  nights 
successively  on  the  same  spot.  He  took  his  station 
on  the  dismantled  Fort  Moosa,  where  he  was  at- 
tacked by  a  party  of  five  hundred  men,  Spanish, 
Negroes,  and  Indians,  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
1 5th  of  June.  He  fell  at  the  first  fire  of  the  enemy ; 
his  men  succeeded  in  retreating  through  the  sur- 
rounding force,  with  the  loss  of  more  than  half  their 
number.  The  Highlanders,  who  were  most  of  them 
engaged,  fought  with  great  desperation.  Their  chief 
officer,  John  More  Mclntosh,  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  basely  treated  in  the  dungeons  of  Spain,  to 
which  he  was  transmitted.  One  of  the  Indians  was 
delivered  to  the  Yamassees  to  be  burned ;  but  General 
Oglethorpe  sent  a  flag,  with  a  message  from  a  Chero- 
kee chief,  with  the  assurance  that  if  the  captive  suf- 
fered a  Spanish  prisoner  should  suffer  the  same  fate. 
At  the  General's  suggestion,  the  rule  was  then  estab- 
lished that  all  Indians  taken  on  either  side  should  be 
treated  as  prisoners  of  war. 

Discouraging  as  the  prospect  was,  Oglethorpe  con- 
tinued to  bombard  the  castle;  but  some  sloops  from 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  123 

Havana,  with  a  reinforcement  of  men,  and  supplies 
of  stores  and  provisions,  found  their  way  into  the 
harbor  through  the  narrow  channel  of  the  Matanzas, 
thus  cutting  off  all  hope  of  starving  them  into  sub- 
mission, and  making  their  strength  far  superior  to 
his  own.  As  a  last  resort,  then,  it  was  determined 
that  Captain  Warren,  with  the  boats  from  the  men- 
of-war  and  the  Carolina  militia,  should  attack  the 
galleys,  while  the  General  should  assault  the  trenches 
on  the  land  side,  for  which  purpose  he  collected  all 
his  force  with  ladders,  fascines,  and  all  the  necessary 
preparations.  Whether  the  attempt,  if  made,  could 
have  succeeded,  is  very  doubtful.  St.  Augustine  was 
defended  by  a  castle  of  stone  with  four  bastions,  the 
curtain  sixty  yards  in  length,  and  mounted  with 
fifty  pieces  of  cannon,  sixteen  of  which  were  brass 
twenty-four  pounders.  The  town  was  intrenched 
with  ten  salient  angles,  on  which  were  cannon.  The 
number  of  regular  troops  was  thirteen  hundred  and 
twenty-four,  besides  the  militia  and  Spanish  Indians. 
But  he  was  not  destined  to  try  the  experiment ;  for, 
with  discretion  which  always  seemed  to  exceed  his 
valor,  the  Commodore  again  thought  it  prudent  to 
forbear,  inasmuch  as  the  hurricane  season  was  ap- 
proaching, and  it  was  his  duty  to  keep  out  of  the  way 
of  danger;  a  duty  which  was  faithfully  performed. 
It  was  obvious  that  the  enterprise  must  be  aban- 
doned, and  the  General  reluctantly  consented  to  re- 
tire. He  was  himself  worn  down  by  a  fever,  and  his 
men  were  sinking  with  fatigue.  The  Carolina 
troops,  dispirited  by  ill-success,  took  occasion  to 
march  away.  By  the  4th  of  July,  everything  was  re- 


124  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

embarked,  and  the  army  returned  to  Georgia.  One 
of  the  Indian  chiefs,  on  being  advised  to  retreat  with 
the  garrison,  said,  "  No !  I  will  not  stir  a  foot  till  I 
see  every  one  of  my  men  marched  off  before  me.  I 
have  always  been  first  to  go  towards  an  enemy  and 
last  to  go  from  them." 

The  enterprise  was  unsuccessful,  but  not  without 
its  good  results.  It  placed  the  Spaniards  on  the  de- 
fensive, and  thus  prevented  those  incursions  into 
Georgia,  for  which,  it  was  supposed,  they  had  been 
preparing,  and  which,  had  they  taken  place,  would 
probably  have  ruined  the  Colony,  which  was  already 
shaken  by  the  discontent  and  uneasiness  of  the 
settlers. 

The  military  reputation  of  the  General  did  not 
suffer  in  consequence  of  the  failure  of  this  expedi- 
tion, the  difficulties  of  the  enterprise  being  fully  ap- 
preciated, and  his  own  courage  and  activity  gen- 
erally known.  It  was  acknowledged,  that  he  endured 
more  hardships  than  any  of  his  soldiers;  and,  in 
every  danger,  he  exposed  himself  to  a  double  share. 
It  was  impossible  for  him,  however,  to  make  his  new 
troops  efficient,  at  so  short  a  warning ;  and  the  move- 
ments of  the  naval  officers,  to  which  so  much  of  the 
disappointment  was  owing,  were  wholly  beyond  his 
control.  If  reflections  had  been  thrown  out  against 
him,  he  would  have  been  consoled  by  what  was  said 
of  him  in  the  House  of  Lords,  by  the  Duke  of 
Argyle,  a  great  authority  in  matters  of  war :  "  One 
man  there  is,  my  Lords,  whose  natural  generosity, 
contempt  of  danger,  and  regard  for  the  public, 
prompted  him  to  obviate  the  designs  of  the  Span- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  12, 

iards,  and  to  attack  them  in  their  own  territories ;  a 
man,  whom,  by  long  acquaintance,  I  can  affirm  to 
have  been  equal  to  his  undertaking,  and  to  have 
learned  the  art  of  war  by  a  regular  education ;  who 
miscarried  in  the  design  only  from  a  want  of  the  sup- 
plies which  were  necessary  to  a  possibility  of 
success." 

The  unfortunate  result  of  the  expedition  to  St. 
Augustine,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  was  followed  by 
much  recrimination  between  parties,  who  had  not 
been  too  friendly  before.  It  was  not  owing  to  any 
real  defect  of  conduct  on  his  part,  but  to  the  resent- 
ment occasioned  by  the  terms  in  which  he  censured 
the  Carolina  troops,  from  whom  he  should  not  have 
expected  the  mechanical  obedience  and  efficiency  of 
regular  soldiers.  There  was,  indeed,  something  to 
censure,  both  in  the  supplies  furnished  by  that  prov- 
ince, and  the  behavior  of  those  who  were  sent;  but, 
perhaps,  a  commander  less  impetuous  and  open- 
hearted  would  have  remembered  that  Georgia  and 
Carolina  could  only  sustain  themselves  by  firm  union, 
through  the  common  danger  to  which  they  were 
likely  to  be  exposed.  It  was  found,  accordingly,  that 
the  latter  province  was  afterwards  somewhat  cold 
and  unsympathizing  when  danger  threatened  the  for- 
mer; though  much  must  be  ascribed  to  a  desolating 
fire,  which  broke  out  in  Charleston,  destroying  three 
hundred  of  the  principal  houses,  and  consuming 
property  to  an  amount  which  was  estimated  at  two 
hundred  thousand  pounds ;  which,  for  a  province  in 
that  stage  of  its  existence,  was  a  withering  blow. 


CHAPTER  XI 

State  of  Things  at  Savannah. — Complaints  of  the  Settlers. — 
Whitefield  and  his  Orphan  House. — Troubles  with  the  Span- 
iards.— Application  to  South  Carolina  for  Assistance. 

THE  year  1741  was  passed  in  comparative  repose, 
so  far  as  military  operations  were  concerned;  but, 
as  the  danger  threatened  from  the  south,  the  Gen- 
eral established  himself  at  Frederica,  which  was 
then  a  flourishing  place,  with  about  a  thousand  in- 
habitants, in  order  to  be  near  the  frontier  in  case  of 
invasion.  He  built  a  cottage  on  the  borders  of  a' 
broad  meadow,  near  the  town,  where  it  was  over- 
shadowed with  oaks  on  one  side  and  commanded  a 
rich  prospect  on  the  other.  Attached  to  it  was  a 
garden,  with  an  orchard  for  oranges,  figs,  and  vines. 
The  town  and  its  fortifications  were  in  full  view  from 
the  windows,  so  that  he  could  enjoy  a  quiet  retreat, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  be  in  readiness  for  active  ser- 
vice at  the  shortest  warning.  This  cottage,  with  fifty 
acres  of  land  connected  with  it,  was  all  the  real  estate 
which  he  ever  held  in  America.  So  many  recollec- 
tions of  interest  are  now  connected  with  his  name, 
that  it  is  a  subject  of  regret  that  the  place  should 
have  passed  into  the  hands  of  those  who  cut  down 
the  oaks  and  changed  the  beauty  of  the  scene. 

At  times,  he  visited  Savannah ;  but  there  was 
much  in  that  place  to  give  him  dissatisfaction.  The 

126 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  1 2  7 

vicinity  of  South  Carolina,  where  the  slaves  were  to 
the  whites  in  the  proportion  of  four  or  five  to  one, 
created  perpetual  uneasiness  in  those  who  wished  to 
be  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  labor;  and  the  taste 
for  complaining,  once  excited,  found  many  subjects 
for  its  exercise,  since  all  that  the  trustees  could  do 
in  the  way  of  concession  only  gave  the  feeling  that 
more  might  be  gained,  if  they  made  more  importu- 
nate demands.  Dr.  Tailfer  was  a  sort  of  high  priest 
of  insubordination ;  and  every  one  who  was  unpros- 
perous,  from  any  cause  whatever,  was  easily  per- 
suaded that  his  depressed  circumstances  were  owing, 
not  to  imprudence  on  his  own  part,  nor  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  Providence,  but  to  the  vicious  arrange- 
ments of  the  social  system  established  by  the  trustees, 
in  which,  unfortunately,  there  was  just  enough  of 
error  to  give  a  color  of  truth  to  all  that  they  could 
say  against  its  operations. 

Under  these  circumstances,  many  were  constantly 
leaving  the  province,  thinking,  by  removing  from 
Georgia,  to  escape  all  their  cares  and  sorrows.  On 
one  of  his  visits,  the  General  was  received  by  forty 
freeholders ;  upon  which  he  expressed  his  joyful  sur- 
prise to  find  that  there  were  so  many  who  had  not  yet 
run  away.  One  of  the  leading  malcontents  was  the 
son  of  Colonel  Stephens,  who  appears  to  have  had 
some  cause  of  personal  resentment,  arising  from  his 
connection  with  some  affair  in  which  his  agency  was 
misunderstood.  But  the  great  evil  was  that  every 
cause  of  private  dissatisfaction  was  ascribed  to  the 
government,  or  to  the  General,  and  went  to  swell  the 
list  of  public  wrongs.  The  hardships  of  the  settlers 


128  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

were,  doubtless,  greater  than  their  injuries;  but  the 
great  privation  was  that  utter  exclusion  from  all  con- 
cern in  public  affairs,  which  certainly  was  not  con- 
sistent with  the  just  expectations  of  Englishmen,  and 
which  gave  them  the  feeling  that  they  were  anything 
but  free. 

The  state  of  morals  in  Savannah,  at  the  time,  was 
such  as  is  always  found  in  a  community  which  does 
not  prosper.  Though  ardent  spirits  were  prohibited 
by  law,  they  found  their  way  into  the  province,  and 
enabled  many  to  drown  at  once  their  conscience  and 
sense  of  wrong.  Colonel  Stephens's  Journal  men- 
tions, as  common  occurrences,  many  circumstances 
of  domestic  history,  which  could  not  be  in  the  same 
city  at  the  present  day ;  a  violation  of  domestic  faith, 
and  open  defiance  of  shame,  even  in  some  men  of 
standing,  which  gives  the  darkest  impression  of  the 
state  of  public  morals.  The  influence  of  the  base 
women  who  set  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  Wes- 
leys,  bears  the  same  testimony.  Such  things  could 
not  be  in  that,  nor  any  other  place  in  this  country, 
at  the  present  day. 

It  is  curious  to  read  Colonel  Stephens's  remarks 
on  Whitefield,  who  was  then  preaching  at  Savannah. 
The  secretary,  who  was  a  zealous  friend  of  the 
church,  had  no  great  sympathy  with  one  who  cast 
aside  the  surplice  and  made  extemporaneous  prayers 
of  more  than  an  hour.  The  preacher  threw  open 
contempt  upon  what  had  been  most  respected,  in- 
veighing against  the  writings  of  Archbishop  Tillot- 
son,  and  saying  that  "  the  author  of  the  '  Whole 
Duty  of  Man,'  he  verily  believed,  had  sent  thousands 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  129 

to  hell."  Regeneration  was  his  subject  from  Sab- 
bath to  Sabbath;  he  told  his  hearers  that,  if  they 
were  regenerated,  the  heat  of  the  sun  upon  their 
bodies  would  not  be  more  evident  to  them,  than  the 
operations  of  the  Spirit  upon  their  souls.  He  did 
not  confine  his  labors  to  the  church;  knowing  that 
some  of  the  men  of  influence  were  living  in  open 
defiance  of  morality  and  shame,  he  went  into  the 
court  and  made  an  address  to  the  grand  jury,  urging 
them  to  present  all  such  offenders,  without  partiality 
or  fear ;  since  the  miserable  state  of  the  Colony  was 
doubtless  owing  to  divine  displeasure  against  their 
sins.  In  everything  he  was  perfectly  unrestrained 
and  independent;  he  built  his  Orphan  House  on  a 
large  scale,  without  taking  counsel  with  any  one,  and 
when  it  was  completed,  he  gathered  all  orphans  into 
it,  whether  otherwise  provided  for  or  not.  There 
was  great  complaint  that  some  were  thus  taken  from 
families  where  they  had  been  contented  and  useful. 
The  General  wrote  that  he  had  misunderstood  the 
orders  of  the  trustees;  but  he  signified  at  once  that 
he  cared  not  for  the  General  nor  any  other  man, 
but  should  do  without  hesitation  what  he  thought 
his  duty.* 

After  the  late  incursion  into  Florida,  the  General 
kept  possession  of  a  southern  region,  which  the  Span- 
iards had  claimed  as  their  own;  and,  as  they  had 
taken  encouragement  from  the  successful  defence  of 
St.  Augustine,  and  the  well-known  dissensions  on 
the  English  side,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  they 

*  Stephens'*  "Journal,"  Vol.  II.  pp.  257,  270,  294,  308: 
Vol.  III.  pp.  77,  9*8. 

A.  15.,  VOL.  IV. —  9 


130  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

would  embrace  the  earliest  opportunity  of  taking 
their  revenge.  With  this  expectation  he  kept  scout- 
boats  always  on  the  watch  to  give  warning  of  the 
approach  of  any  vessel  to  the  shore.  On  the  i6th  of 
August,  news  was  brought  him  that  a  large  ship  had 
come  to  anchor  off  the  bar.  The  boat,  which  was 
sent  out  to  ascertain  its  character,  reported  that  it 
was  manned  with  Spaniards,  and  appeared  to  have 
come  with  some  hostile  design.  Hearing  this,  he 
went  on  board  the  guard  sloop,  taking  with  him  the 
sloop  Falcon,  which  was  in  the  service  of  the  prov- 
ince, and  hiring  the  schooner  Norfolk,  Captain 
Davis,  to  accompany  the  expedition.  On  board 
these  vessels  he  placed  a  detachment  of  his  regiment, 
amounting  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  with  their 
officers.  They  immediately  set  off  in  pursuit  of  the 
stranger;  but  before  they  came  to  the  bar,  they  en- 
countered a  sudden  storm  of  rain  and  thunder;  and 
when  the  atmosphere  was  clear  again  the  ship  had 
disappeared. 

As  the  preparation  had  been  made,  and  the  fugi- 
tive might  possibly  be  overtaken,  he  sailed  with  his 
little  fleet  along  the  Florida  shore.  On  the  I9th,  the 
Falcon,  being  disabled,  was  sent  back  with  seventeen 
of  the  soldiers;  the  guard  sloop  and  schooner  pro- 
ceeded on  their  way.  On  the  morning  of  the  2ist, 
a  ship  and  sloop  were  seen  at  anchor,  at  some 
leagues'  distance.  As  there  was  no  wind,  the  Eng- 
lish vessels  made  their  way  toward  them  with  oars, 
when  it  was  ascertained  that  one  was  the  black  Span- 
ish privateer  sloop,  under  the  command  of  a  French- 
man, Captain  Destrade,  who  had  made  several  prizes 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  131 

at  the  northward ;  the  other  was  a  three-mast  ship ; 
both  lying  at  anchor  outside  the  bar  of  St.  Augustine. 
The  General  gave  orders  to  board  them.  They  be- 
gan to  fire  with  cannon  and  small  arms.  When  the 
English  returned  the  fire,  they  slipped  their  cables, 
and  ran  over  the  bar.  The  English  pursued;  but, 
after  engaging  them  for  an  hour  and  a  quarter,  they 
were  unable  to  board  them,  and  the  enemy's  vessels 
sought  protection  from  the  town.  The  galleys  fired 
upon  the  English  with  nine-pounders,  without  doing 
them  any  injury,  while  the  opposite  party  appeared 
to  be  disabled  by  the  fight. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  reach  them,  the  General 
came  to  anchor  within  sight  of  the  castle,  and  the 
rest  sailed  for  the  Matanzas;  but.  finding  no  vessel 
there,  he  cruised  off  the  coast,  till  he  ascertained  that 
no  vessel  was  there,  and  then  returned  to  his  own 
quarters. 

The  storm,  which  had  been  so  long  anticipated, 
burst  upon  the  Colony  in  the  year  1742.  The  Span- 
iards had  always  looked  upon  it  with  jealousy  and 
suspicion ;  and,  since  the  attempt  on  St.  Augustine, 
and  the  Indian  inroads  connected  with  it,  their  dis- 
pleasure had  been  sharpened  into  a  steady  purpose  of 
revenge.  For  this  purpose  they  fitted  out,  at  Ha- 
vana, a  fleet,  said  to  consist  of  fifty-six  sail,  and 
seven  or  eight  thousand  men.  The  force  was  proba- 
bly not  quite  so  great;  if  it  was,  it  did  not  all  reach 
its  destination ;  not  by  any  interruption  from  the 
English  fleet,  which,  as  usual  at  the  time,  was  out  of 
the  way  when  it  was  most  wanted,  but  from  the  effect 
of  a  storm,  which  dispersed  the  vessels,  so  that  only 


132  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

a  part  of  the  whole  number  succeeded  in  reaching 
St.  Augustine.  The  force  was  there  placed  under 
the  command  of  Don  Manuel  de  Monteano,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  that  place,  who  was  to  conduct  the  expedi- 
tion into  Georgia. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  summer,  the  schooner, 
which  was  kept  constantly  cruising  on  the  coast, 
brought  information  to  the  General  that  there  were 
two  Spanish  twenty-gun  ships,  two  large  privateers, 
and  a  great  number  of  smaller  vessels  rilled  with 
soldiers,  lying  off  the  bar  of  St.  Augustine.  This 
news  was  soon  confirmed  by  Captain  Haymer,  of 
the  Flamborough  man-of-war,  wrho  had  fallen  in 
with  the  armament  off  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  had 
succeeded  in  driving  some  vessels  on  the  shore. 

As  it  was  evident  that  the  danger  was  at  hand, 
but  not  quite  certain  where  the  blow  would  fall,  the 
General  wrote  to  the  Commander  of  his  Majesty's 
ships,  which  were  quietly  reposing  in  Charleston  har- 
bor, urging  them  to  hasten  to  his  aid.  Lieutenant 
Maxwell  arrived  in  Charleston,  and  delivered  the 
letter  on  the  I2th  of  June.  He  also  sent  Lieutenant 
Mackay  to  Governor  Glenn,  of  South  Carolina,  re- 
questing his  immediate  assistance.  This  despatch 
arrived  on  the  2Oth  of  June.  But  neither  party  an- 
swered the  application ;  the  fleet,  because  it  was  not 
their  custom  to  go  where  their  comfort,  and  perhaps 
their  lives,  might  be  endangered;  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Colony,  because  they  thought  it  better  to 
fortify  their  own  seaport,  and  keep  their  forces  at 
home,  than  to  leave  their  own  province  unguarded, 
for  the  sake  of  aiding  their  neighbors.  Perhaps  cer- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  133 

tain  angry  feelings  had  their  share  in  producing  this 
result,  which  was  neither  wise  nor  honorable ;  since, 
had  Georgia  fallen,  nothing  could  have  saved  South 
Carolina  from  a  similar  fate.  In  Virginia,  a  better 
policy  prevailed ;  the  Assembly  there  resolved,  at 
once  and  unanimously,  to  send  a  naval  force  to  the 
assistance  of  General  Oglethorpe.  It  was  prepared 
as  soon  as  possible,  but  not  in  time  to  reach  the  scene 
of  action  before  the  danger  was  past. 

The  fleet  made  its  appearance  on  the  coast  of 
Georgia  on  the  2ist  of  June.  An  attempt  was  made 
by  nine  vessels  to  take  possession  of  the  Island  of 
Amelia ;  but  the  guns  of  Fort  William,  and  the  guard 
schooner  of  fourteen  guns,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Dunbar,  received  them  with  so  warm  a  fire 
that  their  purpose  was  abandoned.  The  General 
thought  it  necessary,  when  he  heard  of  this  attack, 
to  do  something  to  sustain  the  fortifications  on  Cum- 
berland Island ;  he  went,  for  that  purpose,  with  three 
boats  filled  with  soldiers,  but,  in  order  to  reach  his 
destination,  was  obliged  to  make  his  way  through 
fourteen  of  the  enemy's  ships.  This  careless  ex- 
posure of  his  own  person  was  one  of  his  defects  as 
a  military  chief.  It  answered  good  purpose  in  en- 
couraging his  men,  perhaps;  but  his  courage  was 
unquestioned,  and,  had  he  fallen  in  the  fire  which 
was  poured  upon  him,  there  was  no  one  who  could 
have  succeeded  to  an  authority,  which,  even  with  his 
high  character,  it  was  difficult  to  maintain,  so  that 
his  own  death  would  have  brought  ruin  to  his  Col- 
ony, and  injury  and  dishonor  to  his  country.  Hap- 
pily, he  passed  safely  through  the  vessels,  under  the 


134  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

cloud  of  smoke,  and  succeeded  in  the  object  of  his 
voyage,  reinforcing  Fort  William  with  the  men  and 
supplies  which  he  withdrew  from  Fort  Andrews,  the 
other  fort  on  Cumberland  not  thinking  them  equal  to 
the  defence  of  more  than  one. 

As  there  was  no  very  flattering  prospect  of  aid 
from  abroad,  the  General  proceeded  to  make  the  best 
of  the  resources  within  his  reach.  He  took  for  the 
King's  service  a  merchant  ship  called  the  Success, 
manned  it  with  the  crews  of  smaller  vessels,  and 
placed  it  under  the  command  of  Captain  Thompson. 
The  Highlanders  were  summoned  from  Darien,  to- 
gether with  the  rangers  and  marines,  and,  on  the 
28th  of  June,  the  Spanish  fleet  made  its  appearance 
off  the  bar;  but  the  navigation  required  constant 
sounding,  which  delayed  them  several  days;  during 
which  time  the  General  was  able  to  organize  another 
company  of  rangers,  and  to  raise  the  spirits  of  his 
troops  by  offers  of  reward,  and  by  manifesting  a 
confidence  in  his  ability  to  resist  the  invaders,  which 
probably  he  did  not  feel.  It  was  one  of  those  occa- 
sions on  which  his  sanguine  temper  gave  him  an  ad- 
vantage. It  always  rose  with  the  exigency;  and 
while  in  unexciting  times  it  was  somewhat  hasty,  in 
the  presence  of  great  difficulty  and  pressing  danger 
it  was  always  collected,  dignified,  and  firm. 

He  was  obliged,  at  this  time,  to  execute  as  well  as 
give  orders;  for,  in  a  letter  to  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle, mentioning  his  application  to  Governor  Glenn, 
he  says,  "  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cook,  who  was  engi- 
neer, and  was  then  at  Charleston,  hastened  away  to 
England;  and  his  son-in-law,  Ensign  Eyre,  sub- 


JAMES   OGLETHORPE  135 

engineer,  was  also  in  Charleston,  and  did  not  arrive 
here  till  the  action  was  over;  so  that,  for  want  of 
help,  I  was  obliged  to  do  the  duty  of  an  engineer." 
There  was  a  mystery  in  this  absence,  at  such  a  time, 
which  threw  a  dark  shade  over  the  fame  of  that 
officer,  and  no  subsequent  inquiry  tended  to  remove 
it.  The  General  was  obliged  to  promote  Major 
Heron  to  command  on  the  station,  raising  him  to 
the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel,  his  own  duties  re- 
quiring him  to  visit  various  places,  and  to  be  absent 
a  part  of  the  time. 


CHAPTER  XII 

Spanish  Fleet  approaches  Frederica. — Spaniards  fall  into  an 
Ambush. — Battle  of  the  Bloody  Marsh. — Defeat  of  the  Gal- 
leys.— Spy  in  the  Camp. — Breaking  up  of  the  Spaniards. 

IT  was  on  the  5th  of  July  that  the  Spanish  fleet, 
consisting  of  three  ships  of  twenty  guns,  two  flat- 
boats,  three  schooners,  four  sloops,  with  more  than 
twenty  half-galleys,  with  soldiers  on  board,  entered 
the  harbor  with  a  favorable  wind  and  a  flood  tide. 
After  exchanging  a  cannonade  with  the  fort  for 
about  four  hours,  they  passed  the  fortifications,  and 
made  their  way  up  the  river.  Their  object  was  to 
land  their  men  at  Gascoigne's  Bluff,  a  peninsula 
which  could  not  be  defended,  and  it  was  hoped  that 
the  many  obstacles  of  marsh  and  forest  which  must 
be  passed  over,  in  order  to  reach  Frederica  from  it, 
would  prevent  the  enemy  from  using  it  to  any  great 
advantage.  The  distance  was  but  four  miles  by 
water  from  the  Bluff  to  the  town ;  but  the  course  of 
the  river  was  winding,  and,  in  making  the  tack  which 
would  be  necessary,  the  vessels  would  be  exposed  to 
the  fire  of  the  English  batteries.  A  large  body  of 
troops,  said  to  be  five  thousand,  which  is  not  proba- 
bly too  large  an  estimate,  were  landed  at  this  penin- 
sula, a  little  below  Gascoigne's  plantation.  A  red 

136 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  137 

flag  was  hoisted  on  the  mizzen-top  of  the  Admiral's 
ship,  and  a  battery  of  twenty  heavy  guns  was  imme- 
diately erected  on  the  shore. 

After  the  General  had  done  all  in  his  power  to 
prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy,  and  it  was  found 
that  the  fort  at  Simons  had  become  indefensible,  he 
called  a  council  of  his  officers,  in  which  it  was  deter- 
mined that  the  fort  should  be  abandoned,  the  guns 
spiked,  the  cohorns  burst,  and  the  troops  drawn  away 
at  once  for  the  defence  of  the  town.  They  marched 
immediately  to  Frederica,  and  all  the  soldiers  on 
board  the  vessels  were  recalled  to  the  shore.  Scout- 
ing parties  were  sent  in  all  directions,  to  watch  the 
movements  of  the  Spaniards,  and  all  hands  were 
employed  in  strengthening  the  fortifications,  which, 
it  was  supposed,  would  be  assaulted  without  delay. 

The  Spaniards  made  many  attempts  to  penetrate 
the  woods  between  the  Bluff  and  the  town,  for  the 
purpose  of  assaulting  the  fort;  but  the  services  of 
the  Indians,  who  were  most  at  home  in  that  kind  of 
warfare,  were  found  sufficient  to  prevent  them. 
There  was  but  one  road  by  which  they  could  ad- 
vance; it  had  been  cut  a  part  of  the  way  through  a 
tangled  and  impenetrable  forest,  and  then  ran,  for 
some  distance,  with  the  deep  forest  on  one  side  and  a 
miry  marsh  on  the  other.  It  was  a  narrow  path, 
through  which  only  two  could  move  abreast,  and  it 
was  impossible  to  take  either  cannon  or  baggage 
with  them.  As  often  as  they  attempted  this  passage, 
they  were  intercepted  by  an  ambush,  either  of  High- 
landers or  Indians,  till  the  men  were  discouraged, 
openly  declaring  that  no  earthly  powers  could  force 


138  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

their  way  to  Frederica,  whatever  those  of  darkness 
might  be  able  to  do. 

On  the  7th  of  July,  a  scouting  party  fell  in  with 
and  made  prisoners  of  some  Spaniards,  who  had 
been  sent  to  explore  the  road  in  question.  They  gave 
the  information  that  the  Spanish  army  was  in  mo- 
tion, which  news  was  sent  by  an  Indian  runner  to 
the  General,  who  sent  Captain  Dunbar,  with  a  com- 
pany of  grenadiers,  to  join  the  regular  troops,  while 
he  himself  followed  with  the  Highlanders  and  In- 
dians. With  this  force,  he  encountered  the  enemy, 
who  had  already  proceeded  about  half-way  from 
their  camp  toward  the  town,  and,  assaulting  them 
with  great  spirit,  soon  put  them  to  the  rout,  with 
the  loss  of  forty  of  their  Indians  and  one  hundred 
and  forty  of  the  best  of  their  troops,  who  were  ac- 
customed to  fighting  in  the  woods.  Two  of  them 
he  took  prisoners  with  his  own  hands;  Captain 
Sachio,  who  commanded  the  party,  was  also  taken 
by  Lieutenant  Scroggs.  Toonahowi,  the  nephew  of 
Tomo  Chichi,  had  command  of  a  hundred  Indians 
in  the  action;  he  was  shot  through  the  right  arm  by 
Captain  Mageleto;  with  his  left  hand,  he  drew  his 
pistol,  went  deliberately  up  to  the  Captain,  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy,  shot  him  through  the  head,  and 
returned  with  satisfaction  and  composure.  The 
enemy  were  pursued  for  a  mile,  and,  when  the  troops 
were  come  up,  they  were  posted,  together  with  the 
Highlanders,  in  a  wood  fronting  the  road,  by  which 
the  main  army,  if  they  advanced,  must  necessarily 
come.  Having  arranged  this  ambush,  he  returned 
to  Frederica,  to  bring  up  all  his  men  that  could  be 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  139 

spared  to  the  engagement,  which  was  hourly 
expected. 

Meantime,  Captain  Antonio  Barba,  and  two  other 
officers,  with  two  hundred  infantry,  one  hundred 
grenadiers,  with  Indians  and  negroes,  advanced  with 
great  confidence  and  halted  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  place  where  the  General  had  stationed  his 
party.  They  stacked  their  arms,  made  fires,  and 
were  preparing  their  food,  when  a  horse  detected  the 
presence  of  the  concealed  party,  and  betrayed  his 
alarm  to  his  master.  The  Spaniards  seized  their 
arms,  and  made  immediate  preparations  for  the 
fight ;  but,  before  they  could  make  themselves  ready, 
they  were  shot  down  in  great  numbers  by  their  un- 
seen foes,  and  after  their  officers  had  done  all  they 
could  to  form  them,  with  great  exposure  of  their 
own  persons,  but  without  success,  they  were  obliged 
to  fly,  leaving  their  arms  and  baggage,  and  in  such 
haste  and  confusion  that  many  of  them  were  actually 
shot  down  with  the  loaded  muskets  they  had  left 
behind. 

As  Oglethorpe  was  returning  from  Frederica,  he 
heard  the  distant  firing;  and  while  yet  two  miles 
from  the  scene  of  action,  he  met  his  two  companies, 
with  the  great  body  of  his  Indians,  who  told  him 
that  they  had  been  assailed  in  the  wood  by  the  whole 
Spanish  army,  and  were  retreating,  defeated  and 
broken,  as  a  heavy  shower  of  rain  and  the  clouds  of 
smoke  had  prevented  their  seeing  their  enemies.  He 
rallied  them  at  once,  with  sharp  reproaches  for  their 
weakness,  and  ordered  them  to  follow  him  to  some 
strong  point,  where  the  Spaniards  must  be  resisted, 


140  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

or  all  would  be  lost.  Depending  on  his  familiarity 
with  the  ground,  he  trusted  to  retrieve  the  fortune 
of  the  day,  and  hurried  forward  till  he  reached  the 
scene  of  action,  where  he  was  happily  surprised  to 
see  what  the  result  of  the  engagement  had  been. 
The  side  of  the  marsh  was  covered  by  two  hundred 
grenadiers,  who  lay  dead  or  dying  on  the  field,  while 
not  a  living  enemy  was  anywhere  in  view.  All  was 
still,  except  an  occasional  Highland  shout  or  Indian 
yell,  which  gave  notice  that  another  Spaniard  had 
been  discovered. 

It  appeared  that,  in  a  first  attack  of  the  Spanish 
force,  a  panic  had  seized  the  men,  from  the  appre- 
hension that  the  enemy,  so  greatly  superior  in  force, 
would  take  possession  of  the  defile  and  cut  off  their 
retreat.  Under  the  influence  of  this  alarm,  they  gave 
way,  and  the  Highlanders  reluctantly  followed. 
But,  while  a  portion,  the  same  who  were  rallied  by 
the  General,  continued  their  retreat,  Lieutenants 
Sutherland  and  Mackay,  who  commanded  the  High- 
land rear-guard,  agreed  to  do  what  they  were  able, 
to  save  their  party  from  ruin  and  dishonor,  and 
therefore  returned  through  the  underbrush  of  the 
forest,  and  took  their  station  as  before.  They  had 
hardly  reached  the  ground  and  concealed  themselves, 
when  the  Spaniards  advanced  with  the  grenadiers, 
their  most  efficient  corps,  in  the  van.  Seeing  the 
footprints  of  the  retreating  troops,  and  seeing  that 
their  right  was  protected  by  the  marsh,  and  their 
left,  as  they  supposed,  with  an  impenetrable  wall  of 
brushwood,  with  a  border  of  dry,  white  sand,  they 
sat  down  to  take  that  refreshment  which  their  long 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  141 

service  rendered  necessary,  under  the  impression  that 
the  danger  was  over  and  the  victory  secured  to  their 
side.  At  that  moment,  a  horse  was  alarmed  by  the 
Highland  cap,  which  was  lifted  as  a  signal,  and  a 
deadly  fire  was  poured  in  from  the  wood.  Those 
who  attempted  to  escape  by  the  road  were  met  and 
hewn  down  by  the  Highlanders  with  broadswords. 
Others  plunged  into  the  woods,  where  their  bones 
were  found  a  long  time  after.  When  it  was  found 
that,  instead  of  having  a  fatal  defeat  to  lament,  the 
English  had  been  victorious,  the  forest  rang  with 
their  shouts  and  congratulations;  and  the  battle  of 
the  "  Bloody  Marsh,"  as  it  was  called,  while  it  gave 
them  all  the  encouragement  which  they  so  much  re- 
quired, supplied  an  exciting  subject  for  the  legends 
of  after-times. 

Oglethorpe  made  use  of  this  victory  to  encourage 
the  hearts  of  the  settlers,  which  had  begun  to  fail; 
but  he  was  better  acquainted  than  they  were  with 
the  true  state  of  affairs,  and  he  inclined,  with  all  his 
fortitude,  to  doubt  whether  the  defence  could  be 
carried  through.  From  Carolina,  to  which  he  had  a 
right  to  look  for  sympathy,  he  received  no  aid  what- 
ever; he  was  left  with  his  slender  means  to  fight  her 
battles  as  well  as  his  own. 

On  the  nth,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  galleys 
to  reach  the  town  by  water,  since  the  approach  by 
land  had  been  attempted  in  vain.  The  galleys  came 
within  gun-shot ;  but  bombs  were  thrown  upon  them 
from  the  fort,  and  so  heavy  a  fire  poured  in  from  the 
fortifications,  that  they  were  compelled  to  retreat. 
The  General  himself  led  the  pursuit,  with  boats 


142  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

manned  with  soldiers  of  the  regiment;  he  followed 
them  till  he  had  brought  himself  under  the  guns  of 
the  fleet. 

On  the  1 2th,  some  encouragement  was  afforded 
by  the  statements  of  two  English  prisoners,  who 
made  their  escape  from  the  Spaniards,  one  from  the 
camp,  the  other  from  the  fleet.  They  reported  that 
the  enemy  were  dismayed  by  the  resistance  which 
they  encountered  in  the  outset,  having  no  idea  that 
any  military  force  in  Georgia  would  stand  a  moment 
against  them.  Their  subsequent  experience  had  not 
tended  to  remove  the  first  impression.  The  numbers 
who  had  fallen  in  the  Bloody  Marsh;  the  wretched 
state  of  the  wounded,  who  were  in  want  of  ordinary 
comfort  and  relief;  the  want  of  water,  which  was 
so  great  that  they  were  put  on  half  allowance,  which, 
in  the  summer  of  such  a  climate,  was  a  privation 
hardly  to  be  borne ;  the  sickness,  which  began  to  pre- 
vail amongst  them,  and  the  depression  which  all 
these  circumstances  tended  to  produce,  had  led  first 
to  councils  of  war,  and  afterwards  to  separation, 
which  became  at  last  so  hostile  that  the  troops  from 
Cuba,  and  those  from  St.  Augustine,  encamped  at  a 
distance  from  each  other. 

It  struck  the  General,  at  once,  that  this  separation 
afforded  a  favorable  opportunity  to  attack  them,  and 
to  destroy  one  party  by  surprise  before  it  could  re- 
ceive aid  from  the  other.  With  this  view,  he  took 
three  hundred  regular  troops,  with  Highlanders,  In- 
dians, and  rangers,  and.  being  thoroughly  familiar 
with  the  woods,  he  led  them,  by  night,  within  a  mile 
and  a  half  of  the  Spanish  camp,  without  attracting 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  143 

attention.  Leaving  his  force  there,  he  took  with 
him  a  small  body  of  picked  men,  and  went  forward 
to  observe  their  position. 

While  he  was  deeply  engaged  in  taking  down  all 
the  particulars  of  their  situation,  which  it  was  de- 
sirable to  know,  on  a  sudden  a  Frenchman,  who  had 
come  with  his  party,  without  orders  and  unobserved, 
fired  his  gun,  and  deserted.  The  Indians  pursued 
him  with  all  possible  haste ;  but,  favored  by  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night,  he  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the 
Spanish  camp.  As  he  would,  of  course,  give  the 
alarm,  if  it  had  not  been  already  given  by  the  report 
of  his  musket,  there  was  nothing  more  to  be  done 
but  to  divide  the  drums  into  different  stations,  so  as 
to  give  the  impression  that  a  large  force  was  present, 
and  then  to  march  back  in  silence  to  the  town. 

Determined  that  the  deserter  should  gain  nothing 
by  his  treachery,  ancl  thinking  that  the  disappoint- 
ment might  be  turned  to  good  account,  the  General 
projected  an  ingenious  plan  for  accomplishing  both 
objects — deceiving  the  Spaniards  and  punishing  the 
guilty.  A  letter  was  written  to  the  deserter  in  the 
French  language,  as  if  from  one  of  his  friends  in  the 
English  camp,  telling  him,  that  he  had  received  the 
money  promised,  and  that  he  must  endeavor  to  give 
the  impression  to  the  Spaniards  that  the  English 
were  weak ;  that  he  should  undertake  to  pilot  their 
boats  and  galleys  up  the  river,  and  contrive  to  place 
them  directly  under  the  fire  of  the  masked  batteries ; 
that,  if  he  succeeded  in  it,  he  would  render  eminent 
service,  and  that  he  and  the  other  French  deserters 
would  receive  rich  rewards.  This  letter  Oglethorpe 


144  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

gave  to  a  prisoner,  whom  he  hired  by  a  gratuity  to 
pass  over  to  the  enemy,  and  deliver  it  to  the 
Frenchman  who  had  deserted.  The  prisoner  found 
his  way  to  the  Spanish  camp,  where  he  was  imme- 
diately seized  and  carried  before  Monteano.  He  was 
asked  how  he  escaped,  and  whether  he  had  any  let- 
ters. He  declared  that  he  had  none;  but  when  he 
was  searched,  the  letter  was  found,  and  he  confessed 
that  he  had  received  money  to  deliver  it  to  the 
Frenchman.  The  result  was,  as  the  General  had 
foreseen,  that  the  Frenchman  was  immediately  ar- 
rested as  a  spy ;  a  council  of  war  condemned  him  to 
death  for  his  treason;  it  was  only  by  the  interposi- 
tion of  Monteano,  who  had  employed  him,  and 
therefore  felt  some  interest  in  him,  that  he  was 
saved  from  execution. 

So  far  as  the  deserter  was  concerned,  the  plan 
succeeded  to  Oglethorpe's  desire ;  the  man  was  suffi- 
ciently punished  by  his  fright  and  the  suspicious 
position  in  which  the  letter  placed  him.  In  deceiving 
the  enemy,  he  was  yet  more  successful.  From  their 
former  experience,  the  Spaniards  were  prepared  to 
believe  that  the  English  were  far  stronger  than  they 
at  first  supposed.  The  letter  conveyed  the  intelli- 
gence that  Admiral  Vernon  was  on  his  way  with  the 
English  fleet  to  St.  Augustine;  that  two  thousand 
Carolina  troops  would  immediately  join  Oglethorpe's 
forces,  and  if  he,  the  deserter,  could  do  anything  to 
detain  the  Spaniards  for  a  few  days  in  their  present 
station,  he  would  be  entitled  to  the  highest  rewards 
that  the  English  King  could  bestow.  Some  of  the 
Spanish  officers  suspected  that  the  letter  was  a 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  145 

stratagem;  others  were  persuaded  that  it  was  gen- 
uine, and  that  it  was  time  for  the  troops  from  St. 
Augustine  certainly  to  hasten  home. 

But,  just  at  that  time,  the  Carolina  vessels,  which 
had  been  sent  to  cruise  along  the  coast,  appeared  in 
the  distance ;  and,  as  it  seemed  to  confirm  the  state- 
ments of  the  letter,  there  was  no  longer  a  doubt  in 
any  mind;  a  panic  spread  through  all  their  forces; 
the  troops  were  embarked  so  precipitately  that  the 
dead  were  left  unburied,  and  the  cannon  and  other 
stores  were  abandoned  to  the  foe.  On  the  I4th,  they 
set  fire  to  all  the  works  on  St.  Simons  and  Jekyl 
Islands,  which  they  had  labored  hard  to  raise;  and 
on  the  1 5th,  the  large  vessels,  with  the  Havana  forces 
on  board,  stood  out  to  sea,  while  the  Governor  of  St. 
Augustine,  with  the  Florida  troops,  took  passage  in 
the  galleys  and  small  vessels,  and  encamped  at  Fort 
St.  Andrews,  on  the  north  end  of  Cumberland  Island. 
The  failure  of  the  expedition,  from  which  so  much 
was  expected,  was  now  complete ;  and  it  was  evident- 
ly owing  to  the  firmness,  activity,  and  skill  of  the 
General,  who,  left  to  his  own  resources  by  those  who 
were  bound  to  aid  him,  had  shown  himself  equal 
to  the  exigency,  and  thus  further  established  the 
honor  of  his  name. 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  — 10 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Defence  of  Fort  William. — Oglethorpe  sails  to  St.  Augustine. 
— Vain  Attempt  to  draw  out  the  Garrison. — Charges  brought 
against  him  in  England. — Honorable  Acquittal. — His  Mar- 
riage.— Inroad  of  Charles  Edward. — Oglethorpe  appointed 
Major-General. — Successes  of  the  Insurgents. 

ON  the  1 6th  of  July  (1742)  Oglethorpe  pursued 
the  retreating  Spaniards;  and,  thinking  it  not  un- 
likely that  they  would  endeavor  to  strike  a  last  blow 
before  they  left  the  scene  of  their  dishonor,  he  sent 
an  express  to  Ensign  Alexander  Stewart,  who  com- 
manded at  Fort  William,  directing  him  to  defend 
the  place  to  the  last  extremity,  and  promising  to 
come  to  his  aid  as  soon  as  possible.  As  he  had  fore- 
seen, the  Spanish  fleet  appeared  off  Fort  William, 
and  fourteen  vessels  came  into  the  harbor,  requiring 
the  garrison  to  surrender.  This  was  peremptorily 
refused.  The  Spaniards  then  cannonaded  the  works 
from  their  vessels,  and  made  an  attempt  to  land ;  but 
a  party  of  rangers,  who  had  hastily  marched  to  the 
aid  of  the  garrison,  encountered  and  repulsed  them. 
Stewart  had  but  sixty  men ;  but  he  sustained  himself 
bravely  till  the  arrival  of  Oglethorpe,  when  the 
enemy,  thinking  it  hopeless  to  pursue  the  attempt 
further,  desisted  and  put  out  to  sea. 

There  was  something  surprising  in  the  whole  his- 
146 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  147 

tory  of  this  expedition.  After  it  had  been  prepared 
with  great  command  of  resources,  thoroughly  fur- 
nished with  the  necessary  means,  and  intrusted  to 
approved  commanders,  whose  thirst  for  glory  was 
sharpened  by  desire  of  revenge,  it  ended  in  loss  and 
shame  to  the  Spaniards,  while  the  English  chief, 
with  far  inferior  numbers,  and  those  disaffected  in 
part,  suffering  for  want  of  provisions,  and  oppressed 
with  the  feeling  that  he  was  deserted  by  those  whose 
duty  it  was  to  sustain  him,  had  maintained  himself 
with  firmness  even  greater  than  his  courage,  and,  in 
gaining  renown  for  himself,  had  delivered  his  peo- 
ple from  all  fear  of  future  invasion  on  that  side. 
Well  might  Whitefield  say,  in  one  of  his  letters : 
'  The  deliverance  of  Georgia  from  the  Spaniards  is 
such  as  cannot  be  paralleled  but  by  some  instances 
out  of  the  Old  Testament." 

Oglethorpe  immediately  issued  an  order  for  a  pub- 
lic thanksgiving  to  the  praise  of  God,  who  had  thus 
delivered  the  people  by  his  mercy  and  power.  Dis- 
couraged as  the  Spaniards  were  by  the  complete  fail- 
ure of  their  enterprise,  they  were  not  disposed  to 
submit  patiently  to  their  disappointment  and  shame. 
Early  in  1743,  General  Oglethorpe  heard  that  they 
were  making  preparations  for  another  attempt,  in 
which  they  hoped  to  avoid  the  errors  which  had  led 
to  the  defeat  of  the  former.  Having  found  that  his 
government  was  not  to  be  depended  on,  and  that 
what  was  done  must  be  done  by  his  own  resources, 
he  thought  it  better  to  go  forth  to  meet  the  blow. 
Taking  with  him  a  detachment  of  his  regiment,  a 
company  of  grenadiers,  together  with  Highlanders, 


148  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

rangers,  and  Indians,  he  set  sail  in  the  direction  of 
St.  Augustine. 

On  his  way  to  reconnoitre  St.  Augustine,  he  met 
with  an  accident,  which  had  nearly  put  an  end  to  his 
life.  In  firing  one  of  his  cannon,  it  burst,  and  a  piece 
of  a  sail-yard  struck  the  General  in  the  face;  the 
blood  gushed  from  his  ears  and  nose  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  greatly  to  alarm  his  attendants ;  but  after 
being  stunned  awhile,  he  collected  himself,  and  en- 
couraged his  soldiers  with  his  usual  composure. 

He  landed,  on  the  6th  of  March,  on  the  Florida 
side  of  St.  John's  River.  He  found  there  a  party  of 
Spaniards,  much  more  numerous  than  his  own. 
These  he  attacked  with  such  vigor  that  forty  were 
killed,  and  the  remainder  made  their  escape  into  the 
castle.  He  then  marched  to  St.  Augustine  with  a 
part  of  his  men,  having  placed  the  others  in  ambus- 
cade, trusting  that  the  Spaniards  would  take  courage 
from  the  smallness  of  his  force,  and  leave  their  walls 
to  pursue  him.  But,  by  some  means  or  other,  they 
discovered  his  troops,  who  were  concealed;  and, 
finding  that  he  could  by  no  means  provoke  them  to  a 
battle,  he  drew  off  toward  the  river.  After  waiting 
there  for  the  enemy  to  come  to  drive  him  from  their 
territory,  it  became  evident  that  they  would  not  put 
themselves  within  his  reach;  he  therefore  returned 
to  Georgia  to  strengthen  his  defences,  and  to  make 
arrangements  for  going  to  England,  where  his  pres- 
ence was  required. 

After  giving  thorough  attention  to  all  the  military 
works  and  civil  affairs  of  the  Colony,  he  took  pas- 
sage, on  the  23d  of  July,  in  the  guard-ship,  com- 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  149 

manded  by  Captain  Thompson.  Colonel  Heron,  Mr. 
Eyre,  sub-engineer,  and  others  of  the  regiment,  ac- 
companied him.  On  the  25th  of  September,  he 
reached  London,  to  which  he  was  summoned,  to  an- 
swer an  impeachment  lodged  against  him  in  the  war- 
office  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Cook.  General  Ogle- 
thorpe  insisted  on  an  immediate  examination  by  a 
board  of  general  officers ;  but  Colonel  Cook  gave  in 
a  list  of  witnesses,  some  of  whom  were  in  Georgia, 
others  in  Carolina,  and,  as  he  maintained  that  they 
were  essential  to  establish  his  charges,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  wait  till  their  testimony  could  be  heard.  In 
consequence  of  this  delay,  which  was  very  trying  to 
the  General,  the  court-martial  could  not  enter  upon 
its  duties  till  June  4th,  1744.  It  required  but  little 
time  to  show  that  the  whole  proceeding  was  ma- 
licious and  unfounded.  After  a  strict  examination 
into  every  specification,  the  court  decided  that  "  the 
whole  and  every  article  thereof  was  groundless,  false, 
and  malicious." 

It  is  melancholy  to  see  that  the  history  of  General 
Oglethorpe's  connection  with  Georgia  should  close 
thus  with  an  act  of  self-justification,  which,  however 
successful,  must  have  brought  with  it  many  wounds 
to  his  feelings.  He  was  a  most  ardent  and  generous 
man ;  and  after  the  entire  disinterestedness  and  self- 
devotion  with  which  he  had  given  up  his  wealth  and 
comfort  for  the  sake  of  the  Colony,  he  could  not  hear 
the  incessant  accusation  and  complaint  of  those 
whom  he  had  served,  without  feeling  as  if  he  had 
labored  in  vain.  His  whole  object  had  been  to  estab- 
lish a  prosperous,  contented,  and  happy  social  state, 


150  AMERICAN  BIOGRAPHY 

and  he  could  not  say  that  he  had  succeeded  to  his 
desire.  But  this  has  been  the  history  of  all  such  en- 
terprises; the  first-fruits  are  seldom  such  as  can  be 
reaped  with  exultation  and  delight;  after  the  first 
difficulties  are  over,  and  the  troubled  few  are  melted 
down  in  the  general  prosperity  and  intelligence  of 
the  whole,  the  view  is  one  which  can  give  greater 
satisfaction;  but  too  often  it  happens  that  by  this 
time  the  eyes  which  would  have  kindled  most  joyous- 
ly at  the  sight  of  this  growing  power  and  happiness 
are  forever  closed  in  death. 

Such  was  not  the  case  with  Oglethorpe.  He  was 
permitted  to  see  his  Colonists  growing  up  into  an 
enlightened,  energetic  and  prosperous  community. 
What  further  interest  he  manifested  in  them  and 
their  fortunes  we  are  not  able  to  tell ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  he  felt  a  lively  attachment  to  America  and  was 
one  of  her  warmest  friends ;  and  it  could  not  be  that, 
with  this  concern  for  the  prosperity  of  the  whole 
people,  he  should  have  been  indifferent  to  that  part 
for  whose  sake  he  had  labored  and  suffered,  spend- 
ing and  ready  to  be  spent  for  them,  with  that  self- 
sacrifice  which  always  feels  the  liveliest  interest  in 
the  objects  of  its  generosity,  however  cold  and 
thankless  they  may  be. 

Having  devoted  so  large  a  portion  of  his  life  to 
the  service  of  others,  it  was  but  natural  that  General 
Oglethorpe  should  wish  for  leisure  to  attend  to  his 
private  affairs;  nor  was  he  to  be  censured  if  he  de- 
sired those  social  blessings  which  were  within  his 
reach,  and  which  he  was  eminently  fitted  to  enjoy. 
The  life  of  the  proprietor  of  a  large  estate,  interested 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  15  I 

in  the  welfare  of  his  tenants,  and  conscious  of  his 
responsibility,  can  never  be  an  inactive  one ;  nor  did 
he  feel  as  if,  in  leaving  the  broader  field  of  philan- 
thropy, he  was  retiring  to  a  selfish  and  stagnant  re- 
pose. In  1744,  he  married  Elizabeth,  the  only 
daughter  of  Sir  Nathan  Wright,  of  Cranham  Hall, 
Essex.  His  chief  residence  was  at  his  country-seat, 
at  Godalming ;  there  he  spent  the  greater  part  of  the 
year  in  agricultural  pursuits,  and,  what  he  valued 
more,  in  improving  the  condition  and  promoting  the 
happiness  of  all  about  him. 

His  winters  were  passed  in  London,  at  the  ancient 
family  mansion,  in  St.  James's,  Westminster,  where 
he  attended  to  his  duties  as  a  member  of  Parliament, 
and  seized  the  opportunity,  which  he  had  denied  him- 
self before,  of  cherishing  the  acquaintance  and  en- 
joying the  conversation  of  the  distinguished  men 
who  were  there  gathered  into  a  brilliant  circle,  and 
whom  the  lifelike  sketches  of  Boswell  have  made 
familiar  to  many  readers  as  the  most  cherished  recol- 
lections of  their  former  days. 

But  the  country  was  in  an  agitated  state.  In  1745, 
Charles  Edward  Stuart  made  his  romantic  attempt 
to  recover  the  throne  of  his  fathers,  arriving  in  Eng- 
land without  any  force  to  sustain  him,  and  depend- 
ing entirely  on  that  traditional  feeling  of  loyalty 
which,  weak  as  it  seems  to  those  who  live  in  a  repub- 
lic, has  often  proved  itself  one  of  the  deepest  and 
most  disinterested  which  ever  possess  the  heart.  To 
meet  this  invasion,  Marshal  Wade  was  appointed 
Commander-in-chief,  and  Oglethorpe  received  the 
commission  of  Major-General,  having  under  him 


152  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

several  companies  of  cavalry,  one  of  which  bore  the 
name  of  the  Georgia  Rangers.  These  companies 
were  raised  at  the  expense  of  several  loyal  individ- 
uals, and  were  placed  under  the  command  of  Ogle- 
thorpe,  as  the  person  most  likely  to  employ  them  to 
advantage. 

But,  before  the  English  government  could  rally 
itself  to  do  anything  efficient,  the  Highlanders  were 
sweeping  down  like  a  torrent  from  their  native 
mountains.  Their  spirit  rose  higher  by  reason  of 
the  hopelessness  of  their  cause.  A  series  of  unex- 
pected and  remarkable  successes  gave  them  a  confi- 
dence which  they  did  not  feel  at  first ;  for,  wherever 
they  met  the  enemy,  it  was  found  that  neither  dis- 
cipline nor  numbers  could  resist  their  thundering 
charge.  Sir  John  Cope,  who  commanded  in  Scot- 
land, proved  himself  entirely  unequal  to  the  occasion. 
After  a  mistaken  movement,  which  opened  the  way 
for  the  insurgents  to  descend  unopposed  into  the 
Lowlands,  he  attempted  to  bring  them  to  an  action 
at  Preston  Pans,  and  to  recover  the  ground  that  he 
had  lost.  But  his  well-appointed  army  of  three  thou- 
sand men  was  broken  up  at  once,  by  a  single  charge 
of  the  Highlanders,  with  the  loss  of  five  hundred 
men.  Never  was  a  blow  struck  which  tended  so 
much  to  animate  the  successful  party,  and  to  dis- 
courage and  cast  down  the  other.  Had  it  not  been 
that  the  clear  judgment  of  the  nation  was  decidedly 
opposed  to  change,  so  much  so  that  sympathy  was 
yielded  up  to  conviction,  the  inefficiency  of  the  regu- 
lar army,  and  the  wild  valor  of  the  Highlanders, 
would  have  cleared  the  way  at  once  for  Charles  Ed- 
ward to  the  throne  of  his  fathers. 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  153 

Neither  circumstances  nor  character  enabled  Mar- 
shal Wade  to  do  anything  to  resist  the  invaders. 
They  advanced  to  Derby,  within  one  hundred  miles 
of  London,  and  the  whole  nation  was  rilled  with  dis- 
may. Armies  were  collected  in  all  directions.  The 
Duke  of  Cumberland,  who  had  been  trumpeted  into 
some  sort  of  military  reputation,  by  reason  of  that 
amazement  with  which  men  see  anything  like  talent 
in  a  prince  of  the  blood,  was  recalled  from  Germany, 
and  placed  in  command  of  the  three  armies  which 
enclosed  the  little  band  of  Highlanders.  The  cold- 
ness of  his  adherents  in  England,  and  the  growing 
disunion  of  the  chiefs,  made  it  necessary  for  Charles 
Edward  to  retreat.  Upon  this  the  English  army  re- 
covered heart;  and,  though  they  could  not  prevent 
his  advance,  they  hoped  to  do  something  to  intercept 
and  embarrass  his  return. 

Marshal  Wade  detached  General  Oglethorpe,  on 
the  nth  of  December,  with  the  cavalry  under  his 
command,  to  effect  this  object,  while  he  himself  kept 
his  quiet  retreat  at  Newcastle,  out  of  the  reach  of 
honor  or  of  danger.  On  the  I3th,  a  great  body  of 
horse  and  dragoons,  under  Oglethorpe,  arrived  in 
Preston,  after  a  march  of  one  hundred  miles  in  three 
days,  in  one  of  the  severest  seasons  ever  known. 
The  Duke  of  Cumberland  had  never  shown  any  great 
power,  when  opposed  to  a  hostile  army,  but  was  most 
vigorous  and  triumphant  when  the  foe  was  already 
subdued.  He  ordered  Oglethorpe  to  continue  the 
pursuit,  which  was  done.  But  when  he  overtook  the 
Highlanders,  at  Shap,  his  army  was  exhausted  by  its 
incessant  labor,  and  it  was  determined,  in  consulta- 


154  AMERICAN  BIOGRAPHY 

tion  with  his  officers,  that,  instead  of  an  immediate 
attack,  the  soldiers  should  enter  the  village  to  obtain 
the  rest  and  refreshment  which  their  exhausted  state 
required,  and  to  make  the  assault  in  the  morning. 

The  Duke's  army  was  in  motion,  not  far  in  the 
rear  of  his  own.  When  it  reached  Shap,  in  the 
morning,  it  passed  on,  leaving  Oglethorpe's  force  be- 
hind. From  being  the  vanguard  of  the  English 
army,  it  thus  became  the  rear.  Without  inquiring 
into  the  circumstances  which  had  produced  this  re- 
sult, the  Commander-in-chief,  intoxicated  with 
triumph  at  the  novel  sight  of  an  enemy  retreating 
before  him,  and  desirous  to  exalt  his  own  activity  at 
the  expense  of  others,  ordered  Oglethorpe  to  be 
brought  before  a  court-martial  for  having  lingered 
on  the  road.  The  trial  took  place  in  September, 
1746,  and  the  result,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
was  that  the  necessity  for  the  halt  became  evident; 
it  was  clear,  that  an  attack,  under  the  circumstances, 
would  have  implied  both  inhumanity  and  rashness, 
and  the  General  was  honorably  acquitted  of  the 
charge. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

Croker's  Edition  of  Boswell. — His  Opinion  of  Oglethorpe. — 
Johnson  offers  to  write  his  Life. — His  Conversation. — His 
political  Opinions. — Appointed  General  of  all  the  Forces. 

MR.  CROKER,  in  his  edition  of  Boswell,  in  one  of 
those  notes  which  throw  much  more  light  upon  his 
own  character  than  upon  his  subject,  makes  some 
empty  and  bitter  remarks  in  relation  to  this  matter, 
in  which  he  infers  from  Boswell's  expressions  that 
Oglethorpe  had  in  vain  solicited  some  mark  of  dis- 
tinction to  heal  his  wounded  feelings.  Boswell's 
words  imply  no  such  thing;  they  simply  show  his 
own  opinion  that  General  Oglethorpe  had  not  been 
treated  with  the  consideration  which  he  deserved, 
and  that  many  inferior  men  were  in  honor  preferred 
before  him.  It  may  have  been  true  that  his  friends 
felt  this  neglect ;  but  that  General  Oglethorpe  com- 
plained, there  is  not  the  least  proof,  and  it  is  dis- 
graceful thus,  from  mere  conjecture,  to  fasten  a  re- 
proach upon  his  name. 

In  the  whole  construction  of  his  work  Croker  was 
thus  haunted  by  imaginations.  When  Hogarth  de- 
scribes his  first  interview  with  Johnson,  and  the  fierce 
eloquence  with  which  he  denounced  George  the  Sec- 
ond, as  having,  with  his  own  hand,  struck  from  the 
list  of  the  army  an  officer  of  high  rank,  who  had  been 
acquitted  by  a  court-martial,  Croker  thinks  that 

'55 


156  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

Oglethorpe  was  the  person  alluded  to,  though  George 
the  Second,  instead  of  striking  him  from  the  list, 
confirmed  the  sentence  by  which  he  was  honorably 
acquitted.  There  is  no  such  criticism  arid  conjecture. 
General  Oglethorpe  was  not  employed,  indeed,  be- 
cause he  had  no  purpose  of  leaving  his  country 
again;  but  he  was  promoted  in  the  very  year  after 
his  court-martial,  and  as  much  employed  and  hon- 
ored as  an  independent  politician  can  ever  expect 
to  be. 

The  notices  of  General  Oglethorpe,  scattered 
through  Boswell's  work,  are  of  great  interest  and 
value,  because  they  are  incidental ;  and  as  he  had  no 
particular  view  to  the  General's  character,  either  to 
raise  or  depress  it,  it  is  clear  that  his  statements,  and 
even  his  impressions,  may  be  trusted.  Certainly  they 
were  those  of  Johnson,  whose  strong  common  sense 
was  the  most  remarkable  of  his  great  powers,  and 
who  looked  with  sharp  and  searching  investigation 
through  the  virtues  and  weaknesses  of  those  among 
whom  he  was  thrown.  To  General  Oglethorpe  he 
felt  grateful  for  his  applause  at  a  time  when  praise 
was  important  to  him ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  his  gratitude  for  this  kind  of  service  af- 
fected his  judgment,  though  it  inspired  in  him  a  re- 
spectful and  friendly  regard. 

On  Monday,  April  loth,  1775,  Boswell  says,  "I 
dined  with  him,  Johnson,  at  General  Oglethorpe's, 
with  Mr.  Langton  and  the  Irish  Dr.  Campbell,  whom 
the  General  had  obligingly  given  me  leave  to  bring 
with  me.  This  learned  gentleman  was  thus  gratified 
with  a  very  high  intellectual  feast,  by  not  only  being 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  I  57 

in  company  with  Dr.  Johnson,  but  with  General 
Oglethorpe,  who  had  so  long  been  a  celebrated  name, 
both  at  home  and  abroad.  Johnson  urged  General 
Oglethorpe  to  give  the  world  his  life.  He  said,  '  I 
know  no  man  whose  life  would  be  more  interesting. 
If  I  were  furnished  with  materials,  I  should  be  very 
glad  to  write  it.'  '  In  a  note  Bos  well  adds,  "  The 
General  seemed  unwilling  to  enter  upon  it  at  this 
time ;  but  upon  a  subsequent  occasion  he  communi- 
cated to  me  a  number  of  particulars  which  I  have 
committed  to  writing ;  but  I  was  not  sufficiently  dili- 
gent in  obtaining  more  from  him,  not  apprehending 
that  his  friends  were  so  soon  to  lose  him;  for,  not- 
withstanding his  great  age,  he  was  always  healthy 
and  vigorous,  and  was  at  last  carried  off  by  a  violent 
fever,  which  often  proves  fatal  at  any  period  of  life." 

The  only  passage  of  this  work,  which  gives  such 
a  living  impression  of  all  whom  it  describes,  in  which 
any  light  is  thrown  upon  the  conversation  of  General 
Oglethorpe,  is  this :  "  The  uncommon  vivacity  of 
General  Oglethorpe's  mind,  and  his  variety  of  knowl- 
edge, having  sometimes  made  his  conversation  seem 
too  desultory,  Johnson  observed,  '  Oglethorpe,  Sir, 
never  completes  what  he  has  to  say.'  ' 

In  a  conversation  at  Dr.  Johnson's  house,  General 
Oglethorpe  said.  "  The  House  of  Commons  has 
usurped  the  power  of  the  nation's  money,  and  used 
it  tyrannically.  Government  is  now  carried  on  by 
corrupt  influence,  instead  of  the  inherent  right  of  the 
King."  Upon  this,  Croker  remarks:  "When  he 
says  that  government  was  carried  on  by  corrupt  in- 
fluence, instead  of  the  Inherent  right  of  the  King,  he 


158  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

must  mean,  if  he  means  anything,  that  the  King 
ought  to  rule  in  his  own  exclusive  right,  and  by  his 
own  despotic  will,  and  without  the  aid  or  the  control 
of  Parliament,  whose  assent  to  the  measures  of  the 
Crown  must  be  obtained  by  influence  of  some  kind, 
or  anarchy  must  ensue."  He  thinks,  therefore,  that 
the  General  talked  nonsense ;  but  most  readers  would 
consider  it  quite  as  well  that  the  sovereign  should 
possess  power  in  his  own  right,  as  that  he  should 
hold  it  by  a  pawnbroking  system  of  hire  and  corrup- 
tion. 

On  one  occasion,  Boswell  relates :  "  General 
Oglethorpe  declaimed  against  luxury.  Johnson  said, 
'  Depend  upon  it,  Sir,  every  state  of  society  is  as 
luxurious  as  it  can  be.  Men  always  take  the  best 
that  they  can  get.'  Oglethorpe  answered,  '  But  the 
best  depends  much  upon  ourselves;  and  if  we  can 
be  as  well  satisfied  with  plain  things,  we  are  in  the 
wrong  to  accustom  our  palates  to  what  is  high-sea- 
soned and  expensive.  What  says  Addison,  in  his 
"  Cato,"  speaking  of  the  Numidian? 

"  Coarse  are  his  meals,  the  fortune  of  the  chase; 
Amid  the  running  stream  he  slakes  his  thirst ; 
Toils  all  the  day,  and,  at  the  approach  of  night, 
On  the  first  friendly  bank  lie  throws  him  down, 
Or  rests  his  head  upon  a  rock  till  morn ; 
And  if,  the  following  day,  he  chance  to  find 
A  new  repast,  or  yet  untasted  spring, 
Blesses  his  stars,  and  thinks  it  luxury."  ' 

This  is  interesting,  because  it  proceeds  from  one 
who  had  made  voluntary  experiment  of  those  simple 
habits  of  life  which  he  thus  approves.  Johnson  says 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  159 

truly  of  the  great  majority  of  mankind,  that  they 
always  take  the  best  they  can  get,  and  there  are  few, 
who,  with  luxuries  within  their  reach,  would  have 
self-command  enough  not  to  enjoy  them.  But  such 
was  Oglethorpe;  for  the  sake  of  accomplishing  a 
generous  purpose,  he  submitted  readily  to  hardship 
and  privation,  without  the  feeling  that  he  was  mak- 
ing a  sacrifice ;  and  he  found  his  reward  in  a  long 
life  of  health  and  happiness,  exempt  from  infirmity 
and  pain  to  the  last. 

Dr.  Warton,  speaking  of  General  Oglethorpe,  said, 
"  I  had  the  pleasure  of  knowing  him  well;  "  and,  in 
reference  to  Pope's  well-known  couplet,  he  remarked, 
"  Here  are  lines,  which  will  justly  confer  immortality 
on  a  man,  who  well-deserved  so  magnificent  a  eulo- 
gium.  He  was  at  once  a  great  hero  and  a  great 
legislator.  The  vigor  of  his  mind  and  body  has 
seldom  been  equalled.  The  vivacity  of  his  genius 
continued  to  great  old  age.  The  variety  of  his  ad- 
ventures, and  the  very  different  scenes  in  which  he 
had  been  engaged,  made  me  regret  that  his  life  has 
never  been  written.  Dr.  Johnson  once  offered  to  do 
it,  if  the  General  would  furnish  the  materials.  John- 
son had  a  great  regard  for  him,  for  he  was  one  of  the 
first  persons  who,  in  all  companies,  praised  his  '  Lon- 
don.' His  first  campaign  was  made  under  Prince 
Eugene  against  the  Turks,  and  that  great  general 
always  spoke  of  Oglethorpe  in  the  highest  terms. 
But  his  settlement  of  the  Colony  of  Georgia  gave  a 
greater  lustre  to  his  character  than  even  his  military 
exploits." 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  he  was  pro- 


160  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

moted  in  the  army,  in  1747.  On  the  establishment 
of  the  British  Herring  Fishery  in  1750,  he  took  a 
part,  and  became  one  of  the  Council.  In  pursuance 
of  the  duties  of  that  office,  he  delivered  to  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  on  the  25th  of  October,  the  act  of  incorpo- 
ration, with  an  address  which  was  printed  in  the 
public  journals.  In  February,  1765,  he  received  the 
rank  of  General  of  all  his  Majesty's  Forces,  and,  for 
many  years  before  his  death,  was  the  oldest  general 
on  the  staff.  It  does  not  appear  from  this,  that  he 
was,  as  Croker  says,  laid  on  the  shelf ;  a  phrase  which 
better  describes  the  fate  of  an  editor's  volumes,  than 
of  Oglethorpe's  military  life.  That  he  was  honored 
as  some  others  of  equal  merit  would  have  been,  can- 
not be  maintained ;  for  he  would  not  sacrifice  his  in- 
dependence, and,  according  to  Croker's  theory  of 
influence,  such  rewards  as  governments  can  give  will 
be  appropriated,  in  general,  to  slaves  of  party. 

One  circumstance  is  mentioned,  with  respect  to 
this  independence  of  spirit,  which,  if  true,  would 
form  a  graceful  close  to  his  active  public  life.  Mc- 
Call  tells  the  story  in  his  "  History  of  Georgia,"  and 
his  account  is  confirmed  by  the  patient  and  accurate 
Ramsay,  though  the  authority  on  which  they  made 
the  assertion  cannot  now  be  discovered.  It  is,  that 
when  the  Revolutionary  war  began,  the  offer  of  the 
command  in  America  was  tendered  to  General  Ogle- 
thorpe,  who  was  higher  in  rank,  as  well  as  in  reputa- 
tion, than  Sir  William  Howe.  He  declared  in  an- 
swer that  he  knew  the  Americans  well ;  they  could 
never  be  subdued  by  arms ;  but  their  obedience  might 
be  secured  at  any  time  by  doing  them  justice;  and 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  l6l 

if  he  might  be  authorized  to  assure  the  Colonies  that 
they  should  be  justly  dealt  with,  he  was  ready  to 
accept  the  command,  which  otherwise  he  should  de- 
cline. Such  a  man  was  not  suited  to  the  purposes  of 
government  at  the  time;  he  therefore  remained  at 
home,  and  Sir  William  Howe  came  to  prove  the 
truth  of  Oglethorpe's  prediction,  that  the  Americans 
could  not  be  conquered  by  arms.  The  story,  at  least, 
deserves  to  be  true;  it  is  in  full  harmony  with  his 
character  and  his  well-known  opinions.  Well  would 
it  have  been  for  the  other  generals  of  the  British 
army,  who  lost  their  honor  in  America,  if  they  had 
refused  to  be  instruments  of  oppression;  there  was 
not  one  who  gained  any  reputation  in  the  war,  with 
the  exception  of  Cornwallis ;  and  whatever  credit  as  a 
tactician  he  acquired  in  the  long  southern  campaign, 
was  overshadowed  by  one  act  of  blood  in  South 
Carolina,  which  leaves  a  stain  upon  his  memory  such 
as  no  time  can  wear  away. 

A.  B.,  VOL.  IV.  — II 


CHAPTER  XV 

Horace  Walpole,  Hannah  More,  and  Burke. — Oglethofpe's 
Visit  to  John  Adams. — Success  of  Wesley. — Oglethorpe's 
public  Character  and  private  Virtues. — His  successful  Re- 
sistance of  Age. — His  Death. 

THE  reader  of  Horace  Walpole,  who  might  chance 
to  have  faith  in  his  entertaining  gossip,  would  not 
have  a  very  exalted  idea  of  General  Oglethorpe,  to 
whom  he  pays  such  compliments  as  he  usually  be- 
stowed on  all  who  were  not  of  his  social  circle  or  his 
party.  To  one  who  makes  large  allowance  for  his 
prejudice  and  temper,  his  lively  narrative  throws 
light  upon  the  history  and  men  of  his  day ;  but  if  he 
were  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  full  believer,  which, 
probably,  he  never  did,  it  would  lead  to  grotesque 
misapprehensions  of  the  truth ;  for  what  measure  of 
true  information  could  be  gathered  from  him  to 
whom  Washington  was  a  charlatan?  In  the  same 
spirit,  and  with  the  same  discrimination,  he  repre- 
sented Oglethorpe  as  a  bully.  Some  instances  of 
rashness  in  his  conduct  there  undoubtedly  are;  he 
had  been  trained  up  with  the  military  idea  of  honor, 
and  a  spirit  naturally  ardent  at  times  betrayed  him 
into  haste  and  passion,  from  which,  in  later  years, 
he  was  free. 

But,  as  Lord  Mahon  says,  "  All  the  stories  of  Hor- 
ace Walpole  are  to  be  received  with  great  caution; 

162 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  163 

his  "  Reminiscences,"  above  all,  written  in  his  do- 
tage, teem  with  the  grossest  inaccuracies  and  in- 
credible representations."  It  is  not,  therefore,  neces- 
sary to  say  anything  of  his  attacks  on  Oglethorpe, 
either  in  the  way  of  defence  or  explanation.  A 
man's  character  must  be  judged  by  the  prevailing 
direction  of  his  life;  and  no  ridicule,  or  sneer  can 
touch  a  reputation  founded  on  lofty  philanthropy 
and  self-denying  love  of  men,  traits  of  character 
which  Walpole  was  not  able  to  understand. 

Some  interesting  particulars  respecting  General 
Oglethorpe  may  be  gathered  from  those  animated 
passages  in  the  letters  of  Hannah  More,  in  which 
she  describes  her  impressions  of  those  high  circles 
of  London  society  in  which  she  was  so  great  a  favo- 
rite in  her  earlier  days.  In  a  letter  to  her  sister,  in 
1784,  she  says,  "I  have  got  a  new  admirer;  it  is 
General  Oglethorpe,  perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
man  of  his  time.  He  was  foster-brother  to  the  Pre- 
tender, and  is  much  above  ninety  years  old ;  the 
finest  figure  you  ever  saw.  He  perfectly  realizes  all 
my  ideas  of  Nestor.  His  literature  is  great,  his 
knowledge  of  the  world  extensive,  and  his  faculties 
as  bright  as  ever.  He  is  one  of  the  three  persons, 
still  living,  who  were  mentioned  by  Pope;  Lord 
Mansfield  and  Lord  Marchmont  are  the  other  two. 
He  was  the  intimate  friend  of  Southern,  the  tragic 
poet,  and  of  all  the  wits  of  that  time.  He  is,  per- 
haps, the  oldest  man,  of  a  gentleman,  living.  I  went 
to  see  him  the  other  day,  and  he  would  have  enter- 
tained me  by  repeating  passages  of  Sir  Eldred.  He 
is  quite  a  preux  chevalier,  heroic,  romantic,  and  full 


1 64  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

of  the  old  gallantry."  In  another  letter  she  mentions 
having  seen  him  at  Mrs.  Vesey's,  where  the  Duchess 
of  Portland  and  Mrs.  Delany  were  present,  and 
where,  she  says,  "  Mr.  Burke  talked  a  great  deal  of 
politics  with  General  Oglethorpe.  He  told  him,  with 
great  truth,  that  he  looked  on  him  as  a  more  ex- 
traordinary person  than  any  he  had  ever  read  of; 
for  he  had  founded  the  province  of  Georgia,  had 
absolutely  called  it  into  existence,  and  had  lived  to 
see  it  severed  from  the  empire  which  created  it,  and 
become  an  independent  State."  The  respect  of 
Burke  was  an  ample  compensation  for  the  contempt 
of  Walpole,  in  their  own  age ;  but  half-a-century  has 
brought  with  it  an  immense  addition  of  authority  to 
the  compliment  of  the  one,  and  taken  all  power  to 
injure  from  the  hatred  and  sarcasm  of  the  other. 

The  circumstance,  however,  which  most  interests 
an  American  reader,  is  the  account  of  his  visit  to 
John  Adams,  when  he  first  arrived  in  England,  in 
the  capacity  of  minister  of  the  United  States.  It 
shows  that  the  General  always  retained  his  interest 
in  this  country;  and,  though  his  associations  and 
habits  of  thought  were  not  such  as  to  encourage 
great  confidence  in  popular  self-government,  that  he 
was  ready  to  show  his  respect  for  those  who  had  re- 
sisted what  they  thought  oppression,  and  made  a 
successful  effort  to  be  free.  A  day  or  two  after  Mr. 
Adams's  arrival  in  London  had  been  announced  in 
the  public  prints,  General  Oglethorpe  waited  on  him, 
as  he  said,  "  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  first  American 
ambassador  and  his  family,  whom  he  was  glad  to  see 
in  England ;  he  expressed  a  great  esteem  and  regard 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  165 

for  America,  and  much  regret  at  the  misunderstand- 
ing between  the  countries,  and  felt  very  happy  to 
have  lived  to  see  a  termination  of  it." 

Fifty  years  had  been  sufficient  to  form  and  ripen 
the  fruit  which  it  commonly  requires  centuries  to 
mature.  In  connection  with  this  vast  and  rapid  de- 
velopment of  life  and  power,  it  is  interesting  to  think 
of  Wesley,  whose  active  history  began  in  Georgia, 
and  not  with  the  happiest  promise  of  success;  but 
his  strong  mind  and  heart,  working  with  the  energy 
of  conviction  and  the  inspiration  of  love,  had  not 
only  gained  him  a  hearing  from  those  who  at  first 
turned  contemptuously  away,  but  also  had  deprived 
his  early  persecutors  of  the  power,  and  even  the  wish 
to  injure,  by  making  it  clear  to  them  that  his  moving 
principle  was  regard  for  the  souls  of  men.  So  high 
had  his  authority  risen  and  his  influence  spread  that, 
in  this  same  year,  he  was  sending  over  to  America  a 
commission  to  establish  churches  after  his  own  heart, 
in  which  his  own  spirit  should  prevail,  and  his  name 
be  treasured  with  as  much  veneration  as  man  should 
ever  give  to  man. 

The  public  character  of  the  subject  of  this  memoir 
is  sufficiently  described  in  the  account  of  his  efforts 
and  sacrifices  for  the  welfare  of  others.  From  this 
it  appears,  that  under  those  circumstances  of  pros- 
perity which  commonly  harden  and  narrow  the  heart, 
with  those  graces  of  person  and  advantages  of  birth 
and  fortune  which  so  often  bring  utter  selfishness, 
he  turned  away  from  the  attractions  of  pleasure  to 
the  service  of  his  fellowmen,  and  particularly  of 
those  whom  other  Samaritans  had  passed  by.  His 


1 66  AMERICAN   BIOGRAPHY 

views  for  their  benefit  were  large  as  well  as  gen- 
erous ;  he  aimed  not  merely  to  relieve  their  immediate 
suffering,  but  to  replace  them  in  the  field  of  life, 
from  which  they  had  retreated  in  despair;  having 
no  doubt  that,  under  a  new  social  system,  more  lib- 
eral, impartial,  and  free  from  ancient  abuses,  they 
could  recover  their  energy  and  become  useful  and 
happy  men,  forming  a  community,  which  should  pre- 
sent an  inspiring  and  encouraging  example  to  the 
superannuated  nations  of  the  Old  World. 

These  views  were  such  as  only  great  minds  origi- 
nate; and  great  hearts  are  required  to  apply  them  to 
action.  That  they  were  formed  in  his  mind  by  its 
own  power,  and  not  by  sympathy  with  others,  is 
evident  to  every  one  who  traces  the  story  of  their 
birth;  and  no  one  will  think  of  denying  that  they 
were  carried  out  with  a  disinterestedness  which  re- 
garded every  sacrifice  as  easy,  and  every  labor  light ; 
and  which  did  not  even  complain,  when  its  good  was 
evil  spoken  of,  and  repaid  with  injury  and 
upbraiding. 

It  does  not  always  happen  that  they  who  are  en- 
gaged in  extensive  plans  of  benevolence,  are  attentive 
also  to  the  smaller  charities  of  daily  life,  on  which  so 
much,  both  of  happiness  and  character,  depends. 
There  have  been  some  melancholy  examples  of  in- 
consistency between  the  public  and  private  life,  even 
where  there  was  no  suspicion  that  the  professed 
philanthropy  was  owing  to  thirst  for  applause.  But 
in  General  Oglethorpe  there  was  no  such  dispropor- 
tion. There  is  testimony  to  prove  that  his  private 
benevolence  was  great.  His  tenants  always  found 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  167 

in  him  an  indulgent  landlord  and  a  faithful  friend; 
far  from  oppressing  them  with  exactions,  he  often 
supported  a  tenant  whose  situation  was  doubtful,  not 
merely  forbearing  to  require  his  rent,  but  lending 
him  money  to  go  on  with  his  farm. 

Those  small  attentions  to  the  interest  and  happi- 
ness of  his  friends,  which  imply  a  delicate  humanity, 
that  desire  to  shun  the  guilt  of  giving  pain,  and  that 
ready  sympathy  with  the  joys  and  sorrows  of  others, 
which  is  found  only  in  good  hearts,  were  seen  in  the 
daily  history  of  his  life;  for,  whether  manifested  in 
the  form  of  charity,  friendship,  hospitality,  and  in 
all  good  feeling,  his  social  kindness  was  always  over- 
flowing; not  limiting  itself  to  the  grateful  and  de- 
serving, but  going  forth  warmly  to  every  condition 
of  humanity,  and  most  familiarly  present  where  evil 
could  be  resisted  or  any  good  be  done.  It  was  this 
which  secured  him  the  general  respect  and  regard, 
and  the  strong  attachment  of  a  few  friends  would 
be  enough,  if  necessary,  to  overbalance  the  censure 
of  a  thousand  foes. 

The  defects  of  General  Oglethorpe's  character 
were  of  the  kind  which  are  apt  to  be  found  in  active 
and  energetic  men.  There  have  been  very  few  men 
distinguished  in  history  in  whom  gentleness  and 
force  of  character  have  been  united ;  they  are  not  in- 
consistent with  each  other;  indeed,  they  require  to 
be  united  to  form  a  finished  character;  but  for  the 
most  part  it  is  found  that  those  who  accomplish 
great  things  in  the  world  are  somewhat  deficient  in 
the  graces  and  virtues  which  give  a  charm  to  private 
life.  Educated  in  the  army  as  he  was,  and  of  course 


l68  AMERICAN    BIOGRAPHY 

trained  in  the  false  ideas  of  honor  which  prevail 
there,  he  was  somewhat  jealous  of  the  appearance  of 
affront  and  wrong.  This  self- justify  ing  illusion 
rather  encouraged  his  natural  haste  of  temper,  which 
otherwise  he  might  have  taken  pains  to  suppress. 
But,  however  quick  to  take  offence,  he  was  open  to 
conviction,  ready  to  confess  his  error,  and  earnest  to 
make  reparation  for  any  injury  he  had  done. 

An  impression  is  sometimes  given  that  he  was 
vain  of  his  exploits  and  services,  and  that  he  enjoyed 
being  the  hero  of  his  own  tale.  It  appears  to  be 
mere  matter  of  inference;  it  is  not  easy  to  find  any 
authority  for  charging  him  with  such  folly ;  it  is  only 
presumed  that  one  who  had  lived  to  extreme  old  age, 
after  bearing  a  distinguished  part  in  the  field  of  life, 
would  naturally  fall  into  the  habit  of  fighting  his 
battles  over  again,  and  giving  the  chronicle  of  his 
own  deeds.  But  it  might  rather  be  presumed  that  a 
finished  gentleman,  whose  company  was  universally 
sought  in  circles  which  are  not  usually  tolerant  to 
such  infirmity,  had  escaped  the  tendency  to  self- 
exaltation  which  often  comes  with  age.  The  com- 
plaint which  Dr.  Johnson  made  of  his  conversation, 
that  he  did  not  finish  what  he  had  to  say,  indicates 
deficiency,  rather  than  excess;  it  would  hardly  have 
been  said  of  one  who  delighted  to  talk  much  of  him- 
self and  his  own  deeds. 

The  truth  is,  that  his  mind,  as  well  as  his  body, 
was  exempt  from  the  usual  decline  of  age.  His 
habits  of  temperance  and  activity  saved  him  from 
bodily  disease,  so  that  his  form,  which  was  always 
remarkable  for  dignified  grace,  remained  unbent  by 


JAMES    OGLETHORPE  169 

the  weight  of  more  than  ninety  years.  His  senses 
were  almost  unimpaired;  even  his  sight  remained 
perfect  to  the  last.  By  following  a  rigid  system  of 
self-resistance,  he  kept  the  elasticity  of  his  mind; 
never  suffering  it  to  become  stagnant,  as  many  do, 
and  thus  bringing  on  themselves  premature  and 
needless  decay.  He  maintained  an  interest  in  what 
was  passing  around  him;  he  did  not  withdraw  his 
concern  from  public  affairs  when  time  obliged  him 
to  resign  them  to  other  hands ;  if  one  set  of  cares  and 
duties  were  no  longer  in  his  reach,  he  found  others 
to  engage  his  attention ;  and  by  this  wise  and  faith- 
ful determination,  sustained  by  great  firmness  of 
purpose,  he  was  able  to  preserve  his  activity  and 
happiness  at  the  age  when  most  men  are  either  in 
helpless  decay  or  in  the  grave. 

Concerning  the  death  of  General  Oglethorpe,  no 
particulars  are  recorded.  It  was  not  owing,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  to  the  decay  of  nature.  He  was 
seized  with  a  violent  fever,  of  which  he  died,  after  a 
short  illness,  on  the  3Oth  of  June,  1785,  leaving  a 
memory  which  will  be  more  honored  in  coming  gen- 
erations than  in  that  which  immediately  followed 
his  own. 


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